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AI has just surpassed millions of years of evolution. This will be a revolution in medicine.

 

Integra Therapeutics needed Large Language Models (LLMs)

to design novel, highly efficient gene-editing proteins that surpass the capabilities and limitations of naturally occurring ones. Traditional protein-engineering methods were too slow and restricted to existing natural proteins, hindering the development of advanced therapies.

The company's use of protein LLMs addressed several major challenges in developing its gene-writing platform, FiCAT:

The limitations of natural proteins

Integra's gene-editing platform, FiCAT, uses PiggyBac transposases—enzymes that can cut and paste DNA sequences—to insert new genes into a specific, safe location in the genome.

 

    Performance ceiling: Naturally occurring PiggyBac transposases, or variants modified through traditional engineering, could only be optimized to a certain point.

    Non-specific insertion: Conventional gene-editing vectors can insert genes randomly, which is a safety concern for therapeutic applications. To make its FiCAT platform more precise, Integra needed to engineer entirely new, programmable enzymes.

 

The challenge of de novo protein design

Before AI, designing new proteins "from scratch" was a major hurdle in computational biology.

 

    Vast design space: There is an almost infinite number of possible amino acid sequences for proteins. It is computationally impossible to explore and evaluate all these possibilities using traditional methods.

    Time and labor: Traditional approaches relied on laborious and time-consuming trial-and-error experimentation, often starting with existing natural proteins and making small, incremental changes.

 

How LLMs solved these problems for Integra

 

By training a protein LLM on vast databases of known protein sequences, Integra taught an AI the "grammar" or underlying principles of functional protein design.

 

This provided three major advantages:

 

    Accelerated discovery: Instead of working within the confines of natural evolution, the LLM could be used to generate entirely new, synthetic protein sequences from scratch. This ability significantly accelerated the discovery of novel proteins.

    Expanded functional diversity: The AI generated PiggyBac transposase variants with enhanced activity that outperformed the best versions found in nature. This expanded the potential of Integra's technology beyond what was naturally available.

    Improved therapeutic compatibility: The AI-designed transposases were created for enhanced compatibility with Integra's FiCAT platform, paving the way for more efficient manufacturing of engineered cell therapies.

 

This new way is met with excitement in Polish media. (Lithuanian journalists are now busy with one and only one question: Whom belongs Crimea? Who will answer this question according the propaganda of Lithuanian rulers, will become the Minister of Culture in Lithuania next week):


"Scientists have achieved a breakthrough by using artificial intelligence to design synthetic proteins. These outperform their natural counterparts. There's already talk of a 'paradigm shift' in genetic engineering."

 

Spanish researchers, harnessing the power of generative AI, have created synthetic genome-editing proteins whose activity and precision surpass their natural counterparts, shaped by millions of years of evolution. This extraordinary discovery has just been published in Nature Biotechnology. Experts believe this achievement paves the way for more effective and affordable gene therapies. This promises breakthroughs in the treatment of cancer and rare diseases, among other things.

"Molecular scissors." What can they do?

 

This is a moment that experts are unhesitatingly calling a paradigm shift in genetic engineering. For the first time in history, scientists have demonstrated that artificial intelligence is capable of not only mimicking nature but also creating "biological tools" superior to those developed through evolution. This breakthrough was achieved by researchers from Integra Therapeutics, who—in collaboration with Pompeu Fabra University in Spain and its Center for Genome Regulation (CRG)—used large language models (LLMs) to design entirely new, so-called hyperactive proteins. To visualize this discovery, imagine "molecular scissors" capable of cutting and pasting DNA fragments in human cells. These AI-created enzymes have demonstrated significantly greater efficiency and precision than their natural variants in laboratory studies. This solves one of the key problems that has so far limited the development and availability of advanced gene therapies.

 

Before the AI ​​could get to work, however, it needed data. The research team conducted an unprecedented computer-aided bioprospecting analysis, searching over 31,000 eukaryotic genomes. As a result, over 13,000 previously unknown sequences were discovered, and after verification in human cells, the 10 most active ones were selected, two of which matched the performance of versions previously optimized in laboratories.

 

This vast and unique dataset was used to train the AI ​​models. As Dr. Marc Güell, Scientific Director at Integra Therapeutics, notes, genAI was used for the first time to create "synthetic elements and extensions of nature."

 

The proteins designed by the algorithms not only retained their structural integrity but also proved more compatible with modern gene editing platforms. One variant demonstrated exceptionally strong activity in human T lymphocytes – cells crucial for the development of groundbreaking immuno-oncology therapies such as CAR-T.

 

To date, protein engineering has primarily involved the painstaking modification of existing, natural structures. Designing with the aid of AI allows for the creation of entirely new molecular tools, transcending the limitations imposed by evolution and endowing them with therapeutically desirable characteristics. This offers hope for more effective treatment, improved production, and reduced therapy costs.

 

A few weeks ago, Integra Therapeutics received nearly €11 million from the European Commission for research development. Importantly, more and more companies are considering this type of AI application – Profuent Bio, for example, is exploring this potential and is already achieving success with OpenCRISPR-1, a gene editor designed by AI (it demonstrates 95% fewer unintended side effects). The recent launch of Google DeepMind's AlphaProteo platform confirmed the growing importance of this trend. Analysts predict that the value of the AI-assisted protein design market will jump from its current level of $1.5 billion to $7 billion in 2033.”

 


Founded a company in Norway and teaches salmon to speak Lithuanian


“Lithuanians helped implement the idea of ​​Norwegian scientists on how to grow salmon on the shore, and are preparing to sell the equipment worldwide. Drawings of the first multi-storey commercial swimming pool have already been prepared.”

After all, no one in the world wants to learn Lithuanian anymore. It is a difficult and unnecessary language. And Lithuanians like to walk, they do not like to sail, so the action must take place on the shore.

 


Norvegijoje įkūrė įmonę ir moko lašišas kalbėti lietuviškai

 

“Lietuviai padėjo įgyvendinti Norvegijos mokslininkų idėją,kaip auginti lašišas krante, ir ruošiasi įrangos prekybai visame pasaulyje. Jau parengti pirmojo daugiaaukščio komercinio baseino brėžiniai.”

Juk niekas pasaulyje daugiau nenori mokytis lietuviškai. Sunki ir bereikalinga kalba. O lietuviai mėgsta vaikščioti pėsti, nemėgsta plaukioti, todėl veiksmas turi vykti krante.

 


Why Left and Right Can’t Understand Each Other’s Fears


 

“Early this September, the Irish comedy writer Graham Linehan was greeted at Heathrow Airport by five armed police officers, who placed him under arrest for a series of social media posts attacking transgender activists.

  

It was a particularly prominent example of a general United Kingdom trend: By some estimates the British police made over 12,000 arrests for offensive posting in 2023, an average of about 33 per day.

 

The Linehan case caused a special uproar, with terms like “totalitarianism” and “police state” liberally deployed. But the comedian’s defenders were much more likely to attack the general system of censorship and ideological policing than any particular figure in Britain’s left-of-center government. It was rare indeed to hear the unhappy Keir Starmer, currently one of the most unpopular prime ministers in modern British history, depicted as an autocrat intent throwing his ideological enemies in jail.

 

Contrast this story with the Jimmy Kimmel affair in the United States, where the brief suspension of a late-night comedian was widely portrayed as a dictatorial act by Donald Trump, using his Federal Communications Committee chairman as a henchman. Apart from a few eccentric libertarians, none of Kimmel’s defenders complained that the F.C.C. as an institution had devolved into speech-policing authoritarianism; they just blamed Trump himself for warping its mandate and abusing its powers.

 

These two cases are helpful in understanding general developments in Western politics, as the norms of post-Cold War liberalism break down and “postliberal” tendencies take hold. These tendencies exist within both progressivism and populism — the impulse to police and censor speech, the increasing potency of identitarian appeals, the impatience with claims to neutrality and procedural fairness, the urge to reduce all politics to existential conflict.

 

But they take substantially different forms on the left versus the right — and those differences help explain why people on either side of the divide struggle so mightily to understand their opponents and see today’s dangers through their eyes.

 

The divide starts with a crucial asymmetry. In both the United States and Europe, the political right has plenty of popular support but considerably less influence inside the managerial systems through which elected officials actually exercise their power. By contrast, progressivism often starts with a weaker base of popular support — for decades, more Americans have identied as conservative than liberal — but its core believers enjoy an extraordinary advantage in the meritocratic institutions, private as well as public, that actually staff and shape the power structure.

 

Given this asymmetry, in an environment of increasing polarization where liberal norms are losing purchase, you would expect each side to embrace a postliberalism that plays to its distinctive strengths.

 

That’s exactly what has happened. Progressivism in the last 10 years has pursued increasingly radical measures through complex, indirect and bureaucratic means, using state power subtly to reshape private institutions and creating systems that feel repressive without necessarily having an identifiable repressor in chief — McCarthyisms without McCarthy, you might say.

 

Over the same period, populism has consistently rallied around charismatic outsider politicians who attack the existing political class as hopelessly compromised and claim to have a mandate to sweep away any rule or norm that impedes their agenda.

 

There are exceptions to this pattern, but it’s pretty consistent across Western countries. Whether with Trump or Nigel Farage in Britain or Marine Le Pen in France or Viktor Orban in Hungary or Giorgia Meloni in Italy, the drama of postliberal populism is intensely personal, serving up figures who become the focus of profound loyalty and intense opposition, who present themselves as champions of the forgotten man while they’re attacked as strongmen in the making.

 

The drama of postliberal progressivism, in contrast, is a drama of ideological influence and institutional power, in which activists and elites effect dramatic change outside the democratic process and then try to survive or sidestep backlash from the voters. It’s a drama where sudden changes seem to just happen — unprecedented waves of immigration on both continents, a radical shift in official American norms around race or sex, a new regime of euthanasia in Canada — without having a singular progressive leader who claims responsibility and provides the policy with a charismatic face.

 

With some of these changes, progressives argue that they’re happening outside politics entirely and thus can’t be oppressive or threatening in the way that a charismatic right-wing demagogue can be. How can the woke be running everything in Britain, they ask, if there were Tory prime ministers until recently? How is it the Democratic Party’s fault if private universities impose ideological litmus tests or social media mobs get people fired by private employers? How can it be “postliberal” or censorious for social media giants to police their users’ speech when they’re private companies?

 

But political influence takes many different forms. Immigration policy in Western countries can be set as much by judicial and bureaucratic interpretations of treaty obligations as by officially elected governments. The woke turn on college campuses was driven by activist enthusiasm, but it was also encouraged by Obama administration pressure to change policies around sexual assault and gender identity. Even before the Biden administration started pressuring them directly, social media companies set their censorship rules under the shadow of congressional Democratic criticism and with the expectation that the Trump era would be temporary and progressive power enduring.

 

Maybe the postliberal left will find a charismatic political leader eventually, an All-American Hugo Chávez or a Zohran Mamdani with appeal beyond New York City. But for now it tends toward a complex blend of public and private operations, with anonymous midlevel decision makers taking radical or coercive steps below the surface while the official left-of-center leadership, whether a Joe Biden or a Keir Starmer, bobs along vaguely up above.

 

It would be immensely helpful to our debates if more sincere liberals could be persuaded that this style of progressivism really is a postliberal form of politics, that its authoritarian tendencies are not just invented by fearful conservatives and that it can make moves against its enemies — like arresting them for tweets, let’s say — that would be screaming front-page news if populist governments made them.

 

But then it would also be helpful for conservatives to acknowledge why the populist alternative can seem so threatening as well. The threat I have in mind is not the strategy that populists understand themselves to be undertaking, trying to use their political advantages to beat the progressives at the inside game. (For instance, to pluck a Trump administration foray from this week, by answering the leftward lurch in higher education by tying federal funds to protections for free speech and ideological diversity.) That form of populist power politics could be ultimately stabilizing, establishing some kind of balance in the cultural arena, reducing the sense of alienation the conservative-leaning public feels toward the elite.

 

Where a sense of threat is much more justified is in the personalist aspect of populist postliberalism, the way that it encourages a kind of courtier’s politics, organized around fealty to a great leader (and his heirs and favorites), in which whim and appetite hold sway.

 

Progressivism has absolutely weaponized the law against its opponents, but it’s still more constitutionally destabilizing when the president himself is screaming on social media about the need to prosecute his enemies.

 

Elite progressive culture makes room for all kinds of self-enrichment and self-dealing, but the way that liberal politicians cash in still pales in comparison with the brazen corruption and conflicts of interest on display in Trump 2.0.

 

Faceless bureaucracies can and do deploy violence against their enemies, but the commander in chief posting about how he might go all Lt. Col. Bill Kilgore on American cities still feels like a uniquely authoritarian “joke.”

 

I wouldn’t say the obsequious flattery that surrounds Trump is worse than the struggle sessions I’ve observed inside progressive institutions — those were pretty bad — but it’s still the language of a czar’s court, where the ruler is untouchable and only wicked advisers ever make things go astray.

 

The country chose this personalist kind of postliberalism out of fear of the alternative, and there is great wisdom in understanding the landscape in which that choice was made.

 

But personalism alone cannot stabilize or govern durably, any more than elite progressivism can simply manage democratic sentiment away. Any victory, any stabilization, will come when one of these forces learns something from the other, and reassures the country that they can be fully trusted with powers that both sides right now are all too eager to abuse.” [2]

 

 

1. Kilgore, played by Robert Duvall, is a surfing-obsessed, amoral, and eccentric U.S. Army Lieutenant Colonel in Apocalypse Now, a secondary antagonist to Captain Willard. He leads the air cavalry with a brutal yet gleeful approach, famously ordering a massive napalm strike on a Vietnamese village while his troops surf, all to the iconic line, "I love the smell of napalm in the morning". His character is a composite of several real-life officers and was inspired by a character in the original screenplay by John Milius. 

 

Key Aspects of Kilgore's Character

 

    Obsession with Surfing:

    Kilgore's love for surfing is a central, bizarre aspect of his character. He even uses his air cavalry to clear a beach in Vietnam so his men can surf.

 

"I Love the Smell of Napalm in the Morning":

His iconic line encapsulates his enjoyment of the war.

 

Amoral and Warmongering:

He is portrayed as enjoying the war, viewing it as his home, and demonstrating a disturbing lack of concern for the consequences of his actions.

 

Influenced by Real-Life Officers:

His character is a composite, influenced by real-life military figures and a character from the initial script.

 

The "Death From Above" Motto:

Kilgore's helicopter bears this motto, which is a symbol of his aggressive approach and can be seen on his "death cards".

 

Commander of Air Cavalry:

He leads the air cavalry unit, which is known for its black Hueys and aggressive tactics.

 

2. Why Left and Right Can’t Understand Each Other’s Fears. Douthat, Ross.  New York Times (Online) New York Times Company. Oct 4, 2025.

Kodėl kairieji ir dešinieji nesupranta vieni kitų baimių


„Šių metų rugsėjo pradžioje airių komedijų rašytoją Grahamą Linehaną Hitrou oro uoste pasitiko penki ginkluoti policijos pareigūnai, kurie jį suėmė už virtinę socialinių tinklų įrašų, kuriuose puolami translyčių aktyvistai. Tai buvo ypač ryškus bendros Jungtinės Karalystės tendencijos pavyzdys: kai kuriais skaičiavimais, 2023 m. Britanijos policija atliko daugiau nei 12 000 areštų už įžeidžiančius įrašus, vidutiniškai apie 33 per dieną.

 

Linehano byla sukėlė ypatingą pasipiktinimą, nes buvo gausiai vartojami tokie terminai kaip „totalitarizmas“ ir „policinė valstybė“. Tačiau komiko gynėjai buvo daug labiau linkę pulti bendrą cenzūros ir ideologinės policijos sistemą nei bet kurią konkrečią figūrą Didžiosios Britanijos kairiųjų centro vyriausybėje. Iš tiesų retai teko girdėti, kaip nelaimingas Keiras Starmeris, šiuo metu vienas nepopuliariausių premjerų šiuolaikinėje Didžiosios Britanijos istorijoje, vaizduojamas kaip autokratas, ketinantis įkalinti savo ideologinius priešus.

 

Palyginkite šią istoriją su Jimmy Kimmelio byla Jungtinėse Valstijose, kur trumpam sustabdžius vėlyvo, naktinio, komiko pasirodymą televizijoje. Donaldas Trumpas plačiai vaizdavo komiką, kaip diktatorišką veikėją, pasitelkdamas savo Federalinio ryšių komiteto pirmininką, kaip pakaliką. Išskyrus kelis ekscentriškus libertarus, nė vienas Kimmelio gynėjas nesiskundė, kad FCC kaip institucija virto kalbos kontrolės autoritarizmu; jie tiesiog kaltino patį Trumpą dėl savo mandato iškraipymo ir piktnaudžiavimo savo įgaliojimais.

 

Šie du atvejai padeda suprasti bendrą Vakarų politikos raidą, kai griūva pošaltinio karo susiformavusio liberalizmo normos ir įsigalėja „postliberalios“ tendencijos. Šios tendencijos egzistuoja tiek progresyvume, tiek populizme – impulsas kontroliuoti ir cenzūruoti kalbą, didėjanti tapatybės apeliacijų galia, nekantrumas dėl neutralumo ir procedūrinio teisingumo pretenzijų, noras visą politiką redukuoti iki egzistencinio konflikto.

 

Tačiau jos įgauna iš esmės skirtingas formas kairėje ir dešinėje – ir šie skirtumai padeda paaiškinti, kodėl žmonės abiejose takoskyros pusėse taip sunkiai supranta savo oponentus ir mato šiandienos pavojus jų akimis.

 

Takoskyra prasideda nuo esminės asimetrijos. Tiek Jungtinėse Valstijose, tiek Europoje politinė dešinė turi daug žmonių palaikymo, bet gerokai mažesnės įtakos valdymo sistemose, per kurias išrinkti pareigūnai faktiškai įgyvendina savo galią. Priešingai, progresyvizmas dažnai prasideda nuo silpnesnės visuomenės paramos bazės – dešimtmečius daugiau amerikiečių save laikė konservatyviais, nei liberaliais – tačiau pagrindiniai jo šalininkai turi nepaprastą pranašumą meritokratinėse institucijose, tiek privačiose, tiek viešosiose, kurios iš tikrųjų dirba su valdžios struktūra ir ją formuoja.

 

Atsižvelgiant į šią asimetriją, didėjančios poliarizacijos aplinkoje, kurioje liberalios normos praranda savo vertę, galima tikėtis, kad kiekviena pusė priims postliberalizmą, kuris išnaudoja jos išskirtinius stipriuosius bruožus.

 

Būtent taip ir atsitiko. Per pastaruosius 10 metų progresyvizmas ėmėsi vis radikalesnių priemonių sudėtingomis, netiesioginėmis ir biurokratinėmis priemonėmis, subtiliai naudodamas valstybės valdžią privačioms institucijoms pertvarkyti ir kurdamas sistemas, kurios atrodo represinės, nebūtinai turėdamos atpažįstamą pagrindinį represorių – galima sakyti, kad tai McCarthyzmai be McCarthy.

 

Per tą patį laikotarpį populizmas nuolat telkėsi aplink charizmatiškus autsaiderius politikus, kurie puola esamą politinę klasę kaip beviltiškai susikompromitavusią ir teigia turintys įgaliojimus panaikinti bet kokią taisyklę ar normą, trukdančią jų darbotvarkei.

 

Yra išimčių. pagal šį modelį, tačiau jis gana nuoseklus visose Vakarų šalyse. Ar tai būtų Trumpas, ar Nigelis Farage'as Didžiojoje Britanijoje, ar Marine Le Pen Prancūzijoje, ar Viktoras Orbanas Vengrijoje, ar Giorgia Meloni Italijoje, postliberalinio populizmo drama yra labai asmeniška, pateikianti figūras, kurios tampa gilaus lojalumo ir intensyvaus pasipriešinimo objektu, kurios save pateikia kaip užmiršto žmogaus čempionus, o tuo tarpu yra puolamos kaip besiformuojantys stipruoliai.

 

Postliberalinio progresyvizmo drama, priešingai, yra ideologinės įtakos ir institucinės galios drama, kurioje aktyvistai ir elitas vykdo dramatiškus pokyčius už demokratinio proceso ribų, o tada bando išgyventi arba išvengti rinkėjų neigiamos reakcijos. Tai drama, kurioje staigūs pokyčiai, regis, tiesiog įvyksta – precedento neturinčios imigracijos bangos abiejuose žemynuose, radikalus oficialių Amerikos normų dėl rasės ar lyties pokytis, naujas eutanazijos režimas Kanadoje – neturint vieno progresyvaus lyderio, kuris prisiimtų atsakomybę ir suteiktų politikai charizmatišką veidą.

 

Progresyvūs teigia, kad kai kurie iš šių pokyčių vyksta visiškai už politikos ribų ir todėl negali būti slegiantys ar grėsmingi taip, kaip charizmatiški dešinieji. demagogas gali būti. Jie klausia, kaip Britanijoje viską gali valdyti pamokslininkai, jei iki šiol ministrai pirmininkai buvo konservatoriai? Kodėl tai Demokratų partijos kaltė, jei privatūs universitetai taiko ideologinius lakmuso testus, ar socialinės žiniasklaidos minios atleidžia žmones iš privačių darbdavių? Kaip gali būti „postliberalu“ ar cenzūriška, kad socialinės žiniasklaidos gigantai kontroliuoja savo vartotojų kalbą, kai tai yra privačios įmonės?

 

Tačiau politinė įtaka gali būti įvairių formų. Vakarų šalyse imigracijos politiką gali nustatyti tiek teisminės ir biurokratinės sutarčių įsipareigojimų interpretacijos, tiek oficialiai išrinktos vyriausybės. Šį atsigavimą universitetų miesteliuose lėmė aktyvistų entuziazmas, tačiau jį taip pat skatino Obamos administracijos spaudimas keisti politiką dėl seksualinio priekabiavimo ir lytinės tapatybės. Dar prieš Bideno administracijai pradedant tiesiogiai spausti socialinės žiniasklaidos bendroves, jos nustatė savo cenzūros taisykles, globojamos Kongreso demokratų kritikos ir tikėdamosi, kad Trumpo era bus laikina, o progresyvi valdžia – ilgalaikė.

 

Galbūt postliberali kairieji galiausiai ras charizmatišką politinį lyderį – visaamerikietišką Hugo Chávezą arba Zohraną Mamdani, kuris bus patrauklus ir už Niujorko ribų. Tačiau kol kas tai linksta prie sudėtingo viešojo ir privačiojo sektoriaus veiklos mišinio, kai anoniminiai vidutinio lygio sprendimų priėmėjai imasi radikalių ar prievartos veiksmų po paviršiumi, o oficialūs kairieji centro lyderiai, nesvarbu, ar tai Joe Bidenas, ar Keir Starmer, miglotai linguoja viršuje.

 

Mūsų diskusijoms būtų nepaprastai naudinga, jei daugiau nuoširdžių liberalų būtų galima įtikinti, kad šis progresyvizmo stilius iš tikrųjų yra postliberali politikos forma, kad jo autoritarinės tendencijos nėra tiesiog išrastos baimingų konservatorių ir kad jis gali imtis veiksmų prieš savo priešus – pavyzdžiui, suimti juos už tviterio žinutes, tarkime, – kurie būtų rėkiantys pirmųjų puslapių pranešimai, jei juos sukurtų populistinės vyriausybės.

 

Tačiau konservatoriams taip pat būtų naudinga pripažinti, kodėl populistinė alternatyva taip pat gali atrodyti tokia grėsminga. Grėsmė, kurią turiu omenyje, nėra ta strategija, kurią, jų manymu, taiko populistai, bandydami pasinaudoti savo politiniais pranašumais, kad nugalėtų progresyvius žaidime iš vidaus. (Pavyzdžiui, šią savaitę pasisemti Trumpo administracijos populiarumo, reaguojant į kairiųjų posūkį aukštojo mokslo srityje, susiejant federalines lėšas su žodžio laisvės ir ideologinės įvairovės apsauga.) Tokia populistinės galios politikos forma galiausiai galėtų stabilizuoti padėtį, sukurti tam tikrą pusiausvyrą kultūros arenoje, sumažinti konservatyvių pažiūrų visuomenės susvetimėjimo jausmą elito atžvilgiu.

 

Grėsmės jausmas yra daug labiau pagrįstas personalistiniame populistinio postliberalizmo aspekte, kai jis skatina savotišką dvariškio politiką, organizuotą aplink ištikimybę didžiam lyderiui (ir jo įpėdiniams bei favoritams), kurioje dominuoja užgaidos ir apetitas.

 

Progresyvizmas absoliučiai pavertė įstatymą ginklu prieš jo oponentus, tačiau jis dar labiau konstituciškai destabilizuoja, kai pats prezidentas socialiniuose tinkluose šaukia apie būtinybę patraukti baudžiamojon atsakomybėn savo priešus.

 

Elitinė progresyvi kultūra suteikia erdvės visokiems savęs praturtėjimo ir savanaudiškų sandorių būdams, tačiau tai, kaip liberalūs politikai pasipelno, vis dar nublanksta, palyginti su įžūlia korupcija ir interesų konfliktais, demonstruojamais Trumpo 2.0.

 

Beveidės biurokratijos gali ir naudoja smurtą prieš savo priešus, tačiau vyriausiojo vado įrašai apie tai, kaip jis gali Amerikos miestuose panaudoti pulkininką leitenantą Billą Kilgore'ą, vis dar skamba kaip unikaliai autoritarinis „pokštas“.

 

Nesakyčiau, kad pataikavimas, gaubiantis Trumpą, yra blogesnis už kovos sesijas, kurias mačiau progresyviose institucijose – jos buvo gana blogos – bet tai vis dar caro dvaro kalba, kur valdovas yra neliečiamas ir tik nedori patarėjai gali viską pakreipti klaidinga linkme.

 

Šalis pasirinko šį personalistinį postliberalizmo tipą iš baimės dėl alternatyvos, ir yra didelė išmintis suprasti aplinką, kurioje buvo priimtas šis pasirinkimas.

 

Tačiau vien personalizmas negali stabilizuoti ar valdyti ilgalaikėje perspektyvoje, lygiai kaip elito progresyvumas negali tiesiog nuslėpti demokratinių nuotaikų. Bet kokia pergalė, bet koks stabilizavimas ateis, kai viena iš šių jėgų ko nors išmoks iš kitos ir patikins šalį, kad ja galima visiškai pasitikėti turint galių, kuriomis abi pusės šiuo metu pernelyg noriai piktnaudžiauja.“ [2]

 

1. Kilgore'as, kurį vaidina Robertas Duvall'as, yra banglenčių sportu apsėstas, amoralus ir ekscentriškas JAV armijos pulkininkas leitenantas filme „Apokalipsė dabar“, antrinis kapitono Willard'o antagonistas. Jis vadovauja oro kavalerijai brutaliu, bet džiugiu elgesiu, garsiai įsakydamas didžiulį napalmo smūgį Vietnamo kaime, kol jo kariai plaukioja banglente, ir visa tai pagal legendinę frazę „Aš myliu napalmo kvapą ryte“. Jo personažas yra kelių realių karininkų derinys ir jį įkvėpė personažas originaliame Johno Miliuso scenarijuje.

 

Pagrindiniai Kilgore'o personažo aspektai

 

Aistringas susižavėjimas banglenčių sportu:

Kilgore'o meilė banglenčių sportui yra pagrindinis, keistas jo personažo aspektas. Jis netgi naudoja savo oro kavaleriją, kad išvalytų Vietnamo paplūdimį, kad jo vyrai galėtų plaukioti banglente.

 

„Aš myliu napalmo kvapą ryte“:

Jo ikoniška frazė apibendrina jo mėgavimąsi karu.

 

Amoralus ir karo kurstymas:

Jis vaizduojamas kaip besimėgaujantis karu, laikantis jį savo namais ir demonstruojantis nerimą keliantį nesirūpinimą savo veiksmų pasekmėmis.

 

Įtaka iš tikrų karininkų:

Jo personažas yra sudėtinis, paveiktas tikrų karinių veikėjų ir personažo iš pradinio scenarijaus.

 

Šūkis „Mirtis iš viršaus“:

Kilgore'o sraigtasparnis turi šį šūkį, kuris yra jo agresyvaus požiūrio simbolis ir gali būti matomas jo „mirties kortose“.

 

Oro kavalerijos vadas:

Jis vadovauja oro kavalerijos daliniui, kuris žinomas dėl savo juodųjų „Huey“ malūnsparnių ir agresyvios taktikos.

 

2. Why Left and Right Can’t Understand Each Other’s Fears. Douthat, Ross.  New York Times (Online) New York Times Company. Oct 4, 2025.

Drug Creation Is Compromised Too: How Private Equity Oversees the Ethics of Drug Research

 

 

“When the Danish drugmaker Novo Nordisk wanted to test whether the main ingredient in Ozempic, its wildly popular weight-loss and diabetes drug, could also treat liver disease, it first needed approval from an ethics panel to ensure the safety of trial volunteers in the United States.

 

Such panels, called institutional review boards, have the power to reject drug trials or order modifications if participants face unreasonable risks. They are supposed to be independent watchdogs — counterweights to Big Pharma and overzealous researchers.

 

Yet Novo didn’t have to venture far to hire an ethics panel for its liver-disease trial in May 2024: It chose WCG Clinical, a review board partly owned by its own corporate parent, The New York Times found.

 

Novo declines to discuss the review boards it selects; their names are scrubbed from a federal online database, because the information is deemed proprietary. But documents obtained by The Times reveal that the liver study was hardly an outlier: In the six years since its parent company invested in the private-equity-controlled panel, Novo has selected WCG to review at least 46 trials, a sharp increase over previous years.

 

Most of those trials grew out of Novo’s efforts to find new uses — and markets — for semaglutide, the primary ingredient in Ozempic, Wegovy and Rybelsus, the company’s top-selling drugs for diabetes or obesity.

 

What happened during those reviews remains confidential, hidden behind the ethics panel’s closed doors. But the financial ties between the drugmaker and its ethics panel highlight how private-equity investors are transforming this obscure but vital corner of American health care — and the questions that raises about the panels’ independence and rigor.

 

The first ethics panels, created in response to testing scandals in the 1960s and ’70s, were nonprofits based at universities and hospitals. But in recent years, private-equity investors have increasingly reshaped them as for-profit endeavors.

 

For drug companies racing to develop the next blockbuster, private equity promised quicker, more efficient reviews. At the same time, private-equity ownership has driven the boards’ expansion far beyond their original watchdog role.

 

Both WCG and its chief competitor, the private-equity-controlled Advarra, have close corporate relationships with drugmakers. And both have become part of multipronged enterprises selling pharmaceutical companies a wide range of drug-testing services — blurring the line between the reviewer and the reviewed, introducing potential conflicts of interest that threaten the review boards’ mission, a Times investigation has found.

 

Any weakening of the ethics panels’ oversight, industry critics say, is particularly dangerous today, amid widespread mistrust of scientific research and the Trump administration’s slashing of the government’s foremost pharmaceutical gatekeeper, the Food and Drug Administration.

 

“It looks like there is not much in place that will robustly protect people who want to participate in research,” said Jill A. Fisher, a professor at the University of North Carolina’s Center for Bioethics. The result, she and other experts fear, will be less protection for trial participants, and for the public at large.

 

In interviews, several prominent bioethicists expressed concern upon learning that WCG had approved trials for one of its owners, a relationship not previously reported. “That sounds like a grave conflict of interest,” said Sarah Babb, a Boston College professor who has studied the review boards’ evolution.

 

Today, more than half of all U.S. drug trials are reviewed by for-profit panels. WCG and Advarra accounted for all but a small fraction of those, according to a 2023 report by the Government Accountability Office.

 

Private equity’s growing domination of the panels is just one facet of its powerful role in health care. With private-equity backing, WCG and Advarra have bought up competitors, as well as companies that provide an array of services to drugmakers running clinical trials — all with little government oversight or transparency, according to internal corporate records; government reports; and interviews with bioethicists, former review board employees and clinical trial experts.

 

WCG now receives more revenue from helping drug companies conduct trials — including designing the trials and finding volunteers — than from policing them on behalf of those patients, records show.

 

WCG declined to be interviewed or answer emailed questions. In a statement, WCG’s chief marketing officer, Carmin Gade, said company policy forbade commenting on “client-related matters or specifics of their clinical trials,” as well as internal company matters. But in a 2021 Securities and Exchange Commission filing, the company denied having a conflict of interest, asserting that its commercial interests were separate from its ethics reviews.

 

Advarra, too, declined to be interviewed, but said in a statement that it “maintains strong safeguards and internal policies to ensure the independence of its Institutional Review Board.” The company also said it had recommended changes to a vast majority of the protocols it reviewed.

 

The pressure for quicker reviews came not just from drugmakers but from patient-advocacy groups seeking faster approvals for new treatments. But the promise of speed brought certain risks. Several former Advarra employees said the company had imposed daily quotas on reviewing informed-consent forms for trial volunteers.

 

“If you are just focused on turnaround time, that doesn’t tell you really anything about quality,” said Holly Fernandez Lynch, a lawyer and bioethicist at the University of Pennsylvania. She added: “It inhibits people from saying, ‘Wait, we need to pause on this. Is this the right thing to do?’”

 

Waving through a poorly designed testing protocol could lead to patients taking a drug with unexplored side effects. Yet an ethics panel is largely a black box, offering no effective way to judge the quality of individual reviews — or whether they might have been compromised by intertwined corporate interests.

 

What’s more, federal oversight of institutional review boards, or I.R.B.s, is piecemeal and limited, with little to no assessment of whether they actually conduct rigorous reviews. The industry instead has opted for self-regulation.

 

“Our system is based on the assumption that people are going to follow the rules,” Ms. Lynch said. She added: “There’s nothing in the regulations that says you can’t have a quota, for example. There’s nothing in the regulations that says, here’s what high-quality deliberations look like.”

 

Federal watchdogs have repeatedly called for reform, emphasizing the importance of independence. “We warned that the effectiveness of these boards was in jeopardy,” the Department of Health and Human Services’ inspector general wrote in 2000. “Few of our recommended reforms have been enacted.”

 

Two decades later, researchers wrote in the Annals of Internal Medicine that the private-equity model was “particularly susceptible to approaches that could undercut the ethical mission of I.R.B.s.”

 

Birth of an Industry

 

The 1966 report in The New England Journal of Medicine shocked the scientific world.

 

Participants in 22 clinical trials had been subjected to sometimes lethal tests without their consent. Live cancer cells had been injected into patients. Experiments had been performed on babies less than 48 hours old.

 

These disclosures began a reckoning over the ethics of medical research that intensified in 1972 after news of the Tuskegee study, in which researchers followed Black men who had syphilis without offering penicillin to treat it. Two years later, Congress passed the National Research Act, mandating that I.R.B.s be used in federally funded trials.

 

The panels were to be independent, with at least five members, a mix of scientists and nonscientists. They would review the trial protocols, assessing whether the drug’s potential benefits outweighed any reasonable risks to participants. And they would ensure that the consent forms presented to volunteers clearly stated the risks. The F.D.A. would then examine trial results and determine whether the drug could be marketed.

 

Ethical review panels were incubated at universities, hospitals and medical schools, where academic volunteers were pressed into service with little incentive to review studies quickly. And at first, those academic settings remained the primary venue.

 

But the seeds of a new system were planted in Olympia, Wash., where Dr. Angela Bowen, an endocrinologist and researcher, formed the first independent ethics panel, Western Institutional Review Board. She set up a fee-for-service model, using local doctors, lawyers and other experts to review human research.

 

As the pharmaceutical industry expanded, with new discoveries and increased competition, drugmakers sought faster turnaround times. Commercial ethics panels were ready to oblige.

 

As for-profit review boards grew, so did concerns that they might be inclined to sacrifice patient protection for greater profits. Those concerns came to a head in a scandal over an experimental antibiotic, Ketek.

 

The F.D.A. approved Ketek in 2004, and within two years, reports of liver failure and deaths linked to the drug began rolling in. Only then did it emerge that F.D.A. approval had come despite reports of fraudulent research and concerns within the agency over the drug’s safety.

 

Congress investigated, and it wasn’t only the F.D.A. that came under criticism. There was also a for-profit ethics panel, Copernicus, which would later become part of WCG.

 

At a 2008 hearing, Copernicus’s chief executive, Sharon Hill Price, acknowledged that the company had failed to inform the F.D.A. after receiving 83 notices of testing protocol violations. “So protocol violations, no matter the number, wasn’t alarming to your organization, to Copernicus?” asked Representative Bart Stupak, Democrat of Michigan.

 

“Not at the time,” Ms. Price responded. “No.”

 

(Ketek’s manufacturer, Sanofi, ceased production in 2016.)

 

Dr. David B. Ross, who evaluated new drugs for the F.D.A., offered a harsh assessment of ethics reviews. “The I.R.B. system nationally is broken,” he testified.

 

Private Equity Moves In

 

As the oldest and biggest independent review board, Western attracted attention from private-equity investors expanding their health care footprint. In 2007, Boston Ventures bought Dr. Bowen’s company and her reputation.

 

Boston Ventures quickly recruited as chief executive Dr. Stephen Rosenfeld, a veteran of the National Institutes of Health.

 

“I really thought we could have made it into something great,” he said.

 

The next year, Dr. John Ennever, former medical director in the clinical trials office at Columbia University’s medical center, signed on as vice president of medical affairs.

 

Boston Ventures, as befits a private-equity firm, wanted Western to grow, and that brought a cultural change, the two men recalled.

 

Dr. Rosenfeld said he was asked to do marketing and leave some operational decisions to others. That was inconsistent, he said, with his responsibilities as chief executive. “There was a tension between how a company can run when it is owned by someone who founds it to serve a purpose, versus when it’s owned by private equity,” he said. After two years, he was asked to leave.

 

When another private-equity firm, Arsenal Partners, bought Western in 2012, “the first thing they did is they laid off 30 percent of the work force,” Dr. Ennever said.

 

They also replaced outside review-panel members with Western employees, according to Dr. Ennever. With private equity, he added, “anything you can do to improve the bottom line, you do it, and I think that leads to less rigorous reviews.” Dr. Ennever left, too.

 

Boston Ventures and Arsenal declined to comment.

 

That same year, Arsenal bought Copernicus, which had weathered the Ketek controversy, and merged it with Western to form the Western-Copernicus Group — WCG.

 

WCG quickly began a buying spree, acquiring 31 companies that recruit research subjects; plan research studies; train trial investigators; and provide management consulting, data monitoring and medical imaging. WCG also bought competing review boards.

 

WCG frequently describes itself as a “servant to mankind.” In promotional materials, it pitches the virtues of working both sides of the street: “Strategically positioned at the very center of the clinical trial ecosystem, we act as the key point of connectivity among our various clients.”

 

(Conflicts of interest also exist in academe, where universities sometimes profit from drugs developed by faculty members.)

 

WCG doesn’t identify its clients, but says it uses “appropriate disclosure” to manage potential conflicts.

 

But in its 2021 S.E.C. filing, WCG cautioned that others could see it differently: “Governmental or regulatory authorities may assert that the combination of these services for a client compromises the integrity of the I.R.B. decisions or the data or analyses generated during any trials.”

 

WCG, Novo and Ozempic

 

For decades, Novo Nordisk was known for making insulin to treat diabetes. Then, in the 2010s, it developed semaglutide, first sold as Ozempic, an injectable drug that causes the body to produce its own insulin while also satiating hunger.

 

Ozempic went on sale in late 2017 and became a cultural touchstone, promoted as a life-changing wonder drug by celebrities, influencers and a bountiful advertising budget that, until recently, made Novo Europe’s most profitable company. Novo later used semaglutide to make Wegovy, specifically targeting obesity, and Rybelsus, a diabetes pill.

 

In late 2019, Novo’s parent, Novo Holdings, joined Arsenal and another private-equity firm in recapitalizing WCG in advance of a public stock offering. (The offering never happened.) Two Novo Holdings officials would take seats on WCG’s board; WCG’s former chief executive would join Novo’s advisory board.

 

Between 2012, when WCG was incorporated, and late 2019, it was tapped 17 times to review interventional drug trials for Novo, according to records obtained through a Freedom of Information request. That figure surged to 46 trials in the years since the drugmaker’s parent invested in WCG.

 

The trials examined semaglutide’s effect on obesity, diabetes, and certain types of liver and kidney disease; it was effective in treating them, and in lowering the risk of cardiovascular disease.

 

Evaluating these testing protocols was no small matter. Laboratory rats developed cancer after taking it, and even though the F.D.A. approved the drug, it must carry a boxed warning, indicating the highest level of risk. No evidence has emerged linking the drug to cancer in humans.

 

More than 2,300 federal lawsuits accuse Novo Nordisk of failing to properly alert patients to possible harm from semaglutide, including intestinal paralysis, gallbladder injury and bowel blockages. “We have significant questions on what was evaluated during the course of clinical trials,” said Jonathan Orent, co-lead counsel on those lawsuits.

 

The drugmaker has denied the allegations.

 

Novo Nordisk declined to be interviewed or answer written questions for this article. But in a statement, a spokeswoman, Liz Skrbkova, said, “We expect all our partners, including WCG Clinical, to comply with strict regulatory and ethical standards, in line with our unwavering commitment to patient safety, data integrity and transparency.”

 

Advarra also underwent a transformation, advertising that it could provide “an end-to-end solution for managing all aspects of a clinical trial.”

 

Watching this was Blackstone, the world’s biggest private-equity firm. In 2018, it bought Clarus, a company that funded trials of experimental drugs.

 

Four years later, Blackstone and another fund announced they had made “a majority investment” in Advarra, laying the groundwork for potential conflicts of interest like those at WCG. The Times’s analysis of federal data found that Advarra was hired to review the trials of at least 10 drugs in Blackstone’s Clarus portfolio. (In a statement, Blackstone said it did not make operational decisions for those drug companies. Separately, Advarra said Blackstone “has never attempted to influence the review of a clinical trial.”)

 

Inside the I.R.B.s

 

Speed is the reason drug companies have turned increasingly to commercial ethics panels. Instead of waiting a month or more for a university or hospital to render an assessment, a commercial panel might take a week. With private equity, the imperatives of speed only intensified.

 

“And they very, very rarely ask questions,” said Lisa Shea, a former manager at a company that provides research help for pharmaceutical and medical-device companies.

 

Ms. Shea said she had worked on 80 to 100 industry trials. “Protocols are not written perfectly, even if it’s the final protocol.”

 

Nor are all consent forms — a vital element of protocol reviews. “They too often appear to be designed more for protecting the legal interests of institutions conducting research,” three researchers wrote in 2017 in The New England Journal of Medicine.

 

In interviews, four former Advarra employees spoke of pressure to process consent forms faster. Three told of quotas for processing those forms.

 

Falling short means “you get a warning,” said Alana Levy, a former consent form development editor. She added, “You could get a bonus if you did over a certain number.”

 

Another former consent form editor described a dashboard that measured the amount of time workers took to edit each form.

 

In its statement, Advarra said it did not impose quotas or give bonuses based on volume or speed.

 

A Times investigation last year showed the consequences of one trial approved by Advarra. Among the trial volunteers were 274 whom genetic tests had shown to be predisposed to brain injuries if they took the drug, but the protocol stipulated that the patients not learn those test results. Two high-risk volunteers died, and more than 100 others suffered brain bleeding or swelling.

 

Advarra said in a statement that ethics panels outside the United States had also approved the protocol.

 

At WCG, the pressure to maximize profits contributed to internal discord, according to former employees. Testifying in 2024 in an employment dispute, a former WCG vice president, Michael Demo, said one executive took disfavored employees to the back of a local Cracker Barrel restaurant to “scream at an appropriate volume.”

 

In the same lawsuit, another former employee, Ericka Atkinson, said “the morale was terrible.” To calm the waters, she said, WCG called a senior leadership meeting in 2024 in Princeton, N.J., assisted by a consulting group led by the retired Army general Stanley A. McChrystal.

 

Restoring order at WCG proved elusive. Ms. Atkinson, who attended the session, said it devolved into small groups attacking one another. “The meeting in and of itself was toxic,” she said. She, too, left WCG.” [1]

 

1. How Private Equity Oversees the Ethics of Drug Research. Bogdanich, Walt; Kessler, Carson; Singer-Vine, Jeremy.  New York Times (Online) New York Times Company. Oct 4, 2025.