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2026 m. birželio 20 d., šeštadienis

AI Warfare Is at the Point of No Return. What Now? --- Between a new executive order, a clash with Anthropic and high-tech wars, the U.S. is stumbling into an AI arms race that the world is struggling to control


“Of all the fields AI is upending, few have deeper ramifications for humanity than its role in warfare. Advanced algorithms have quickly swung from playing a supporting intelligence role to acting as agents of death.

 

"Future combat will be largely robotic. It will be automated," former Google Chief Executive Eric Schmidt, who now invests in military-drone companies, said recently on stage at an expo. "It will be controlled by the laws of war."

 

Schmidt's robot prediction draws little dispute. Less certain is whether last century's rules can handle warfare's future.

 

The war in Iran and AI advances have driven home the dizzying implications of military automation for Washington -- and for civilians everywhere. The White House is racing to hammer out policies while the tech world and moral authorities chime in. The cacophony is yielding more questions than answers.

 

President Trump this month issued an executive order on AI in national security that calls for aggressive use of the technology but requires it to operate "in accordance with applicable laws, government policies and guidance."

 

The order, which directs the Pentagon to update AI rules adopted only three years ago, sought to bring clarity just as the administration amped up a fight with AI leader Anthropic, whose systems the Pentagon uses. That fight exploded in January over who gets to limit applications of AI in combat and surveillance, and escalated over this past weekend.

 

"The combination of AI and autonomous weapon systems demands an entirely new approach to risk analysis, risk mitigation and risk acceptance," said retired U.S. Air Force Lt. Gen. Jack Shanahan, who led the Pentagon's first big AI application, Project Maven.

 

Throughout history, innovations including gunpowder, chemical weapons and airplanes have repeatedly rewritten rules of combat. Only the atomic bomb sparked a civilizational dilemma comparable to AI. And as with nuclear weapons, militaries have entered an automation arms race along a path they can't foresee.

 

Now, with algorithms controlling not just weapons but entire military networks, humans are ceding wartime judgment to machines on an unprecedented scale. What's even more worrisome to many: Armed forces are making up the rules as they go along.

 

AI entered combat in 2017, when Shanahan's team used it to nab ISIS bombers attacking U.S. forces in Iraq.

 

Maven's success leveraging algorithms to scan reconnaissance images proved AI's potential. Then, efforts went quiet as the U.S. pulled back from foreign wars.

 

Around 2023, drone-makers supplying Ukrainian forces ramped up development of AI to lock onto targets, while commanders began to weave it into targeting systems. Israel, after the Hamas militant attacks that October, tapped AI to sift through mountains of intelligence. The Pentagon, meanwhile, deployed AI-based systems to streamline decision-making. China and Russia have also incorporated AI into military systems.

 

Today, AI-guided weapons can autonomously home in on objectives a controller picks. That selection generally happens when weapons approach a target, involving a few drones with limited firepower.

 

Soon, though, swarms of drones will independently cross great distances by air, water or land to hunt down and strike targets without human intervention. And targets won't necessarily be on a battlefield.

 

Killing isn't AI's only military assignment. Its role is ballooning across all the less-visceral chores that militaries tackle, particularly in giving priority to intelligence for selecting targets. U.S. commanders say they are selecting targets at more than tenfold the tempo in Iraq. In the Ukrainian National Guard's Khartia Corps, automation has tripled the pace of missions, said its top drone engineer.

 

As warfare automation increases, its use is being guided more by battlefield objectives than by codified rules of engagement.

 

Ukraine lacks resources and wants to maximize each strike's pain for the Kremlin, meaning collateral damage is often wasteful. For Kyiv, AI can boost efficiency.

 

At a Ukrainian drone unit called Lasar's Group, where soldiers hunt high-value Russian targets on AI-enhanced computer images, the new technology is just another tool, said a seasoned pilot who goes by the call sign Sid.

 

"I understand that I'm setting fire to a vehicle with a crew inside," said Sid. He isn't bothered that automatic systems keep targets in his drone's deadly clutches.

 

"It's still a person who presses the button," he said. "It's a person who decides whether to activate the system or not."

 

That role -- dubbed "the person in the loop" -- is at the crux of fears about combat automation. Where in the loop is that person? What role do they play? Can they keep pace with computers?

 

Technology is advancing so rapidly that even the term itself has morphed, into "the person on the loop" -- a monitor more than a link in a digital chain.

 

Concerns over human interactions with AI this year prompted Anthropic to seek explicit Pentagon guarantees that its systems wouldn't be used for mass domestic surveillance or autonomous weapons, sparking administration backlash.

 

Pentagon officials say fears are misplaced because weapons aren't fully autonomous -- and letting technophobia hamstring commanders' use of AI poses a bigger risk.

 

"You always have the human who will analyze the situation" and make battlefield judgments on safety and tactics, said Defense Department Chief Digital and AI Officer Cameron Stanley, at the AI+Expo, a recent technology jamboree in Washington organized by a foundation created by Eric Schmidt.

 

"The most dangerous course of action right now is to stand still and to remain in a human-driven world," Stanley said. "The one thing that I am very worried about in war is trying to minimize mistakes."

 

International Committee of the Red Cross legal adviser Noa Schreuer isn't sold. Standing in the AI expo's trade-show hall, amid displays from Amazon.com, Meta and Microsoft, she questioned safety precautions for automated weapons.

 

"Would an autonomous drone abort a mission on its own, for example if a child enters the target area?" she asked.

 

Schreuer was staffing the Red Cross stand -- the expo's buzz-kill. Across its mock battle zone spread a big green sign reading "Humanity in War." On one faux demolished concrete slab hung a poster-size page from the Geneva Convention, with rules on protecting civilians. On another hung a fake traffic sign for drone operators reading: "Don't Outsource Your Authority/Maintain Human Control and Judgment."

 

Child deaths in AI-age war aren't an abstract ethical question. Early in U.S. attacks on Iran this year -- as Pentagon officials boasted how new technology was letting them identify and hit targets faster than ever before -- Iranian authorities accused the U.S. of striking a school, killing more than 160 people, many of them children. The Pentagon is investigating whether U.S. forces hit the school, which sits near an Iranian military compound, and whether AI was involved.

 

Automated targeting systems have drawn suspicion, and murkiness around their use means they risk getting blamed no matter what happened. If AI systems offered up the school as a target, investigators must understand what went wrong. If targeters didn't consult their AI tools, which can instantly scan troves of intelligence, questions will focus on why they didn't -- and whether technology could have helped avoid the civilian deaths.

 

Israel's use of AI has drawn similar suspicion, when local media in 2024 alleged that the military was using automated systems to select targets with minimal human oversight and in violation of existing international law, killing large numbers of civilians. The military denied the allegations, and in a detailed defense, said the systems, code-named Lavender and The Gospel, "are merely tools" for intelligence.

 

They "do not replace the intelligence analyst," the Israeli military said.

 

But even if AI doesn't supplant intelligence analysts, can it influence them, or soldiers and commanders?

 

That question vexes former Royal Netherlands Air Force Apache attack helicopter pilot Roy Lindelauf, who is now a professor of data science in the department of intelligent systems of Tilburg University. Working from a converted 19th-century Dutch locomotive-assembly hall, he and colleagues are trying to mesh this century's technology with military thinking from the last one.

 

"There are so many levels to decision-making," and how AI figures into them isn't well understood, said Lindelauf, who also teaches at the Netherlands Defense Academy.

 

One concern: People tend to trust what computers tell them, a phenomenon known as automation bias that is being reinforced by lifelike and apparently authoritative digital interfaces. "Even if AI is only a tool, how the human mind works should be taken into account to address biases," he said.

 

In other words, while we think we're controlling AI, it may actually be controlling us.

 

Designing responsible AI was the focus of a report that former Dutch Prime Minister Dick Schoof launched at the U.N. General Assembly in September. The Netherlands in 1899 hosted a watershed conference, on Laws and Customs of War on Land, that laid the foundation for modern laws of war.

 

How AI fits into those aging rules puzzles commanders. Estonian defense adviser Eva Sula works with military leaders across the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, who pepper her with questions nobody can answer. A common one: If I make a mistake because of AI, who is responsible?

 

"A war crime in the digital space? No country can prosecute it," said Sula. "They don't have the laws."

 

For now, many practitioners are improvising.

 

Ukraine accepts battlefield risks linked to AI because "the ethical framework is just now being developed," said Danylo Tsvok, chief executive of the Defense Ministry's AI warfare center, A1.

 

Ukraine's fighters are learning automation's limits amid combat's unpredictability, said a serviceman who is part of a team developing AI tools to analyze reconnaissance more quickly. AI can't yet respond to unconventional situations, he said, and for now, "waging war is an art -- intuition."

 

Stanley, the Pentagon digital and AI officer, said he wants to account for the mistakes that humans and machines can each make alone: "What I am trying to implement is the best human-machine team possible."

 

But AI experts foresee surging capabilities and are worried. Pope Leo XIV recently issued an encyclical on AI that built on the work last September of a panel of Nobel laureates, tech specialists and other luminaries the Vatican had assembled. They offered principles and red lines, including a plea that "AI systems must never be allowed to make life-or-death decisions, especially in military applications."

 

The conclave was part of a bigger Vatican event that concluded with a free concert in St. Peter's Square and a light-show of more than 3,000 drones in the night sky.

 

Panel member Marco Trombetti, chief executive of AI-translation company Translated, said the group's 18 members agreed that "if these things get used for war, they cannot be stopped."” [1]

 

1. REVIEW --- AI Warfare Is at the Point of No Return. What Now? --- Between a new executive order, a clash with Anthropic and high-tech wars, the U.S. is stumbling into an AI arms race that the world is struggling to control. Michaels, Daniel; Malenko, Anastasiia.  Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 20 June 2026: C1.  

Trumpas paaiškina, kodėl sudarė susitarimą su Iranu


„Būtinas prezidento Trumpo stiliaus bruožas yra tas, kad jo atvirumas galiausiai išduoda jo politinius motyvus. Taip buvo ir šią savaitę, kai ponas Trumpas paaiškino, kodėl sudarė susitarimą su Irano režimu, kurį kadaise tikėjosi nuversti.

 

„Tie kvailiai, kurie mano, kad nebuvau pakankamai griežtas Irano atžvilgiu, kai akcijų rinka ką tik pasiekė REKORDINĮ AUKŠTUMĄ, o naftos kainos „krenta“ žemyn, yra arba pavydūs, blogi žmonės, arba kvaili“, – ketvirtadienį rašė jis „Truth Social“.

 

Be susitarimo „alternatyva būtų pasaulinė depresija“, – trečiadienio spaudos konferencijoje sakė ponas Trumpas. Prezidentas trumpai pasakė, kad iraniečiai jį įveikė dėl naftos barelio. Jei jis būtų toliau kovojęs, rinka „būtų nukritusi iki tokio lygio, kokio niekas anksčiau nematė, galbūt išskyrus 1929 m.“, – sakė jis. „Vienintelis prezidentas, kuriuo nenorėjau būti, buvo velionis, didysis Herbertas Hooveris.“

 

Štai ir viskas: poną Trumpą lėmė baimė dėl aukštų naftos kainų ir krintančios akcijų rinkos, artėjant prie vidurio kadencijos rinkimų.

 

Perspėdamas, kad „per maždaug keturias savaites išseks [naftos] atsargos“, ponas Trumpas tvirtino, kad neturi kito būdo atverti Hormūzo sąsiaurį. „Jei nebūtume sudarę šio susitarimo, būtume galėję mėtyti daugiau bombų dar tris, dvi, keturias, dvejus metus – Hormūzo sąsiauris niekada nebūtų buvęs atidarytas.“

 

Visa tai rodo, kad susitarimo memorandumas buvo pasiektas iš JAV silpnumo, o ne stiprybės pozicijos. Tai rodo didelis susitarime numatytas išankstinis sankcijų sušvelninimas ir atitinkamų Irano branduolinių įsipareigojimų trūkumas.

 

Ponas Trumpas mirktelėjo dėl rizikos. Vietoj to, po dviejų mėnesių paliaubų silpnumo, kai visuomenė buvo apimta nusivylimo ir naftos atsargos mažėjo, prezidentas pripažįsta, kad pasidavė Irano ekonominiam spaudimui.

 

Išgirdęs tai, kodėl iraniečiai nepagrasino apmokestinti sąsiaurio arba uždaryti jį po 60 dienų, nebent JAV pratęs derybas ir nusileis dar daugiau? Tai visada buvo problema, kai pasikliaujama susitarimu – iš esmės sumokėjus išpirką – siekiant vėl atverti sąsiaurį. Ypač kai susitarimas numato daugiau derybų, o ne Irano veiksmų, siekiant išardyti savo branduolinę programą.

 

Prezidento komentarai yra dovana režimui ir ne vienintelė. „Jie myli savo šalį“, – trečiadienį sakė jis apie naujuosius Irano lyderius, iš kurių daugelis dalyvavo sausio mėnesį vykusiose tūkstančių protestuotojų žudynėse. Jis pavadino juos „daug mažiau radikalizuotais“, o viceprezidentas J. D. Vance'as dabar kalba apie pagalbą „pragmatikams“ laimėti ginčą prieš „griežtosios linijos šalininkus“, kaip tai padarė Barackas Obama.

 

Kaip ketvirtadienį Baltiesiems rūmams priminė senatorius Rogeris Wickeris (respublikonas, Misisipė): „Irano režimas neatsisakė savo galutinio tikslo – „Mirtis Amerikai, mirtis Izraeliui“. Režimas investuos kiekvieną gautą centą, kad padėtų šiam tikslui pasiekti.“

 

Kuo daugiau vilties ponai Trumpas ir Vance'as deda į Irano režimo transformaciją, tuo desperatiškiau jie skamba. Kaip kitaip suprasti jų staigų Irano raketų programos gynimą po to, kai jos sustabdymas buvo paskelbtas JAV karo tikslu? Norų mąstymas negali užmaskuoti šio susitarimo ištakų Baltųjų rūmų baimėse. Kaip pripažįsta pats prezidentas.“ [1]

 

Trumpas yra labai praktiškas. Tai jį gelbsti. Iš Irano skraidančių dronų ir raketų spiečiai padidino riziką prarasti daugybę Amerikos jūrų pėstininkų ir kai kuriuos tanklaivius, lydimus kariuomenės per Hormūzą. Tai sukeltų paniką. Depresija yra panikos priepuolis, kaip savo laiku patyrė ponas Hooveris. Kas to nori?

 

1. Trump Explains Why He Cut a Deal. Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 20 June 2026: A12.  

Trump Explains Why He Cut a Deal with Iran


“A hallmark of President Trump's style is that his candor eventually betrays his political motives. And so it has been this week as Mr. Trump explained why he cut a deal with the Iranian regime he once hoped to overthrow.

 

"These fools who think I haven't been tough enough on Iran, when the Stock Market Just Hit A RECORD HIGH, and Oil prices are 'tumbling' down, are either jealous, bad people, or stupid," he wrote on Truth Social on Thursday.

 

Without the deal, "the alternative would be a world-wide depression," Mr. Trump said at his Wednesday news conference. In so many words the President said the Iranians had him over a barrel -- of oil. If he had fought on, the market "would go down at levels that nobody ever saw before, maybe except for 1929," he said. "The one President I did not want to be was the late, great Herbert Hoover."

 

There you have it: Mr. Trump was driven by fear of high oil prices and a falling stock market going into the midterm elections.

 

Warning that "we run out of [oil] reserves in about four weeks," Mr. Trump insisted he had no other way to get the Strait of Hormuz open. "If we didn't do this deal, we could've dropped more bombs for another three weeks, two weeks, four weeks, two years -- you would never have the Hormuz Strait open."

 

All of this strongly suggests the memorandum of understanding was reached from a position of U.S. weakness, not strength. From the deal's substantial up-front sanctions relief and paucity of corresponding Iranian nuclear commitments, it shows.

 

Mr. Trump blinked at the risk. Instead, after two months of cease-fire weakness while the public soured and oil reserves declined, the President acknowledges he gave in to Iran's economic pressure.

 

After hearing that, why wouldn't the Iranians threaten to toll or close the Strait 60 days from now unless the U.S. extends negotiations and concedes even more? This was always the problem with relying on a deal -- in essence paying a ransom -- to reopen the Strait. Especially when the deal provides for more negotiations rather than Iranian action to dismantle its nuclear program.

 

The President's comments are a gift to the regime, and not the only one. "They love their country," he said Wednesday of Iran's new leaders, many of whom were involved in January's massacre of thousands of protesters. He called them "far less radicalized," while Vice President JD Vance now speaks of helping "pragmatists" win the argument against "hard-liners," much as Barack Obama did.

 

As Sen. Roger Wicker (R., Miss.) reminded the White House on Thursday, "The Iranian regime has not renounced its ultimate goal -- 'Death to America, Death to Israel.' The regime will invest every penny it receives to further that aim."

 

The more hope Messrs. Trump and Vance express in the Iranian regime's transformation, the more desperate they sound. How else to read their sudden defense of Iran's missile program, after stopping it had been a declared U.S. war aim? Wishful thinking can't cover up this deal's origins in White House fears. As the President himself admits.” [1]

 

 Trump is very practical. This saves him. Swarms of drones and missiles from Iran made the risk high of losing countless American marines and some tankers escorted by military through Hormuz. That would ignite panic. Depression is panic attack, as Mr. Hoover learned in his time. Who wants that?


1. Trump Explains Why He Cut a Deal. Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 20 June 2026: A12.  

Turtingiausios klasės reiškia ekonominį nerimą


„Amerikos ekonominis nerimas kyla pajamų laiptais.

 

Nauja „Wall Street Journal“ apklausa rodo, kad net tie, kurie save laiko viena turtingiausių Amerikos klasių, yra labai susirūpinę dėl savo dabartinių finansų, ateinančių metų ir savo vaikų perspektyvų.

 

Daugiau nei 40 % amerikiečių, kurie save vadina aukštesniąja arba vidurine klase, teigia, kad nesutaupė pakankamai pinigų, kad galėtų patogiai išeiti į pensiją. Tik apie 40 % teigia, kad jų finansinis saugumas yra toks, kokio jie tikėjosi šiuo savo gyvenimo momentu. Beveik 3 iš 5 teigia, kad juos slegia aukštos benzino kainos.

 

Turtingiausios klasės atstovai prarado tikėjimą, kad ekonomika, kuri jiems buvo naudinga, gali pakelti ateities kartas. Apie 86 % žmonių, kurie save vadina aukštesniąja arba vidurine klase, teigia, kad jiems trūksta pasitikėjimo, jog jų vaikų gyvenimas bus geresnis nei buvo jų. Tai daugiau nei 64 % 2019 m. apklausoje ir rodo pesimizmo lygį, kuris atitinka mažiau pasiturinčių grupių požiūrį.

 

Ir 65 %... turtingiausios klasės teigia, kad Amerikos politinė ir ekonominė sistema yra „nukreipta prieš tokius žmones kaip aš“. Tai puikus privilegijuotiausių šalies grupių teiginys ir gerokai daugiau nei 29 %, kurie 2017 m. matė suklastotą sistemą.

 

Daugelis apklausų parodė, kad ekonominis optimizmas, ilgą laiką laikomas pagrindiniu amerikiečių bruožu, užleido vietą visuotiniam nerimui. Naujoji „Journal“ apklausa siekė geriau suprasti šį nerimą, nagrinėdama finansinį spaudimą per ekonominės klasės prizmę. 2000 amerikiečių buvo paklausta, kuriai ekonominei klasei jie save priskiria – aukštesniajai klasei, aukštesniajai vidurinei klasei, vidurinei klasei, darbininkų klasei ar žemesniajai klasei – o tada apie jų ekonominį gyvenimą.

 

Bendras vaizdas niūrus. „Tai, ką matome šioje apklausoje, yra amerikiečiai apgultyje“, – sakė Johnas Anzalone'as, demokratų apklausų rengėjas, padėjęs atlikti apklausą.

 

Nors viduriniosios ir darbininkų klasės amerikiečiai signalizavo apie didžiausią ekonominę įtampą, aukštesniųjų klasių jaučiamas pesimizmas išsiskyrė tuo, kad pablogėjo, nepaisant to, kaip ekonomika jiems buvo palanki.

 

Beveik du trečdaliai žmonių, laikančių save aukštesniąja arba vidurine klase, turi 150 000 USD ar daugiau metinių namų ūkio pajamų, įskaitant 25 %, kurių pajamos viršija 250 000 USD.

 

„Jie vis dar jaučia stresą“, – teigė apklausoje dalyvavęs respublikonų apklausų rengėjas Adamas Gelleris, kalbėdamas apie didžiausias pajamas gaunančias klases. „Tai ne tas pats lygis, kurį demonstruos darbininkų ar viduriniosios klasės asmuo, bet tai labai realu.“

 

Vidurinės klasės amerikiečiams patiriamas stresas išsiskyrė tuo, kad metė iššūkį tradiciniam požiūriui, jog prisijungimas prie viduriniosios klasės, kaip daugelis siekia, suteikia finansinį saugumą.

 

Kai respondentų buvo paklausta, kokios yra viduriniosios klasės pajamos, atsakymai svyravo nuo 65 000 iki 135 000 USD vienam namų ūkiui. Kai tų, kurie save laiko vidurine klase, buvo paklausta, kas lėmė jų taip teigimą, dažnai buvo nurodytas geras atlyginimas arba vidutinės pajamos, turto, pavyzdžiui, namo, nuosavybė ir galimybė patenkinti pagrindinius poreikius.

 

Tačiau tie patys žmonės taip pat teigė, kad daugelis patogaus finansinio gyvenimo aspektų jiems nepasiekiami. Taupymas pensijai, sveikatos draudimo išlaidos, būsto ir maisto prekių sąskaitų apmokėjimas bei gyvenimas be skolų – visa tai buvo streso sritys.

 

Iš tiesų, tarp tų, kurie save laikė vidurine klase, tik maždaug 1 iš 5 respondentų teigė, kad vidurinioji klasė yra komforto vieta, o maždaug vienoda dalis ją vadino streso vieta. Maždaug pusė teigė, kad tai ir viena, ir kita.

 

Tarp viduriniosios klasės respondentų tik maždaug 1 iš 4 teigė, kad uždirba pakankamai pinigų, kad sutaupytų bet kam, išskyrus nenumatytas išlaidas, turi pakankamai pinigų, kad patogiai išeitų į pensiją, ir pasiekė finansinio saugumo lygį, kurio tikisi šiuo savo gyvenimo momentu. Maždaug tokia pati dalis teigė, kad turi kredito kortelių skolų, kurių negali grąžinti kiekvieną mėnesį.

 

Mažo pasitikėjimo, kad ketverių metų kolegijos diplomas suteikia finansinės sėkmės kopėčias, yra mažai. Trečdalis viduriniosios klasės respondentų teigė, kad diplomas vertas savo kainos, o 56 % teigė, kad jis nevertas.

 

Daugelis „Journal“ apklausoje dalyvavusių žmonių teigė, kad dabar jie priklauso aukštesnei ekonominei klasei nei ta, kurioje užaugo, o tai prieštarauja pasitikėjimo stokai geresnėmis ateities kartos perspektyvomis.

 

Beveik pusė žmonių, kurie save laikantys vidurinei klasei teigė, kad užaugo žemesnėje ekonominėje klasėje. Tarp aukštesnės viduriniosios klasės respondentų daugiau nei trys ketvirtadaliai teigė, kad užaugo žemesnėje ekonominėje klasėje – tai rodo didelį ekonominį mobilumą. Tuo tarpu save darbininkų klasei priskiriantys amerikiečiai dažniau teigė, kad jų turtas buvo geresnis jaunystėje.

 

Nors nėra standartinio „vidurinės klasės“ pajamų apibrėžimo, surašymas nustatė, kad 2024 m. viduriniosios 20 % amerikiečių namų ūkių pajamos buvo maždaug nuo 65 100 iki 105 500 USD.

 

60 % viduriniosios amerikiečių namų ūkių pajamos svyravo nuo maždaug 34 500 iki 175 700 USD.

 

Pesimizmas dėl ekonomikos pastaraisiais metais glumino daugelį ekonomistų, kurie teigė, kad tai atrodo neproporcinga tradiciniams rodikliams, tokiems kaip įdarbinimas ir vartotojų išlaidos, kurie po Covid-19 pandemijos išliko sveiki. Pastaruoju metu akcijų rinkos toliau kyla į rekordus, o įdarbinimas yra stabilus. Amerikos ekonomika pralenkė kitas pramonines šalis, įskaitant Europos šalis.

 

 

Vis dėlto kylančios benzino kainos panaikino daugiau nei metų amerikiečių darbo užmokesčio augimą, o tarp baltųjų apykaklių darbuotojų auga nerimas, kad dirbtinis intelektas juos išstums. Infliacija po pandemijos metų sušvelnėjo, tačiau vis dar atkakliai viršija Federalinio rezervo 2 % tikslą. Vartotojai dabar jaučia įtampą, nes, remiantis Niujorko federalinio rezervo banko duomenimis, kredito kortelių likučių, kurių neapmokėta bent 90 dienų, dalis pasiekė 15 metų aukštumas.

 

 

Apklausa parodė, kad turtingiausios klasės naudojasi privilegijomis, kuriomis gali naudotis mažiau žmonių iš žemesnių sluoksnių. Galiojančio paso turėjimas, kasmetinės atostogos ir skrydis lėktuvu į atostogų vietą yra veikla, kuria daug dažniau užsiima dvi turtingiausios klasės nei viduriniosios ir darbininkų klasės amerikiečiai.

 

 

Dviejų turtingiausių ekonominių klasių atstovai dažniau yra susituokę, turi vaikų ir gyvena dviejų pajamų namų ūkiuose nei visa šalis. Jie dažniau turi akcijų ir savo būstą.

 

 

Kartu apklausa atskleidė daug atvejų, kai amerikiečiai turi panašią nuomonę apie šalį, nepriklausomai nuo klasės.

 

 

Visose klasėse maždaug ketvirtadalis respondentų teigė, kad šalis eina teisingu keliu, o beveik 70 % teigė, kad ji eina neteisinga kryptimi.

 

 

Tų, kurie teigia, kad jų asmeniniai finansai kitais metais pagerės, dalis visose klasėse buvo apie 30 %, nors darbininkų klasės respondentai išsiskyrė tuo, kad tikėjosi savo likimo nuosmukio.

 

 

„Wall Street Journal“ apklausoje gegužės 7–18 d. dalyvavo 2000 suaugusiųjų. Visos imties paklaidos riba yra plius minus 2,2 procentinio punkto.“ [1]

 

1. Wealthiest Classes Voice Economic Angst. Zitner, Aaron.  Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 20 June 2026: A1.  

Wealthiest Classes Voice Economic Angst


“America's economic anxiety is rising up the income ladder.

 

A new Wall Street Journal poll finds that even those who consider themselves among the wealthiest classes in America carry high levels of concern about their current finances, the years ahead and the prospects for their children.

 

More than 40% of Americans who call themselves upper class or upper-middle class say they haven't saved enough money to retire comfortably. Only about 40% say their financial security is where they thought it would be at this point in their lives. Nearly 3 in 5 say they are strained by high gasoline prices.

 

Those in the wealthiest classes have lost faith that an economy that has benefited them can lift future generations. Some 86% of people who call themselves upper class or upper-middle class say they lack confidence that life for their kids will be better than theirs has been. That is up from 64% in a 2019 survey and shows a level of pessimism that matches the views of less-fortunate groups.

 

And 65% in the most affluent classes say America's political and economic systems are "stacked against people like me." That is a remarkable statement by the nation's most privileged groups and a substantial rise from 29% who saw a rigged system in 2017.

 

Many surveys have found that economic optimism, long considered a core American trait, has given way to a pervasive unease. The new Journal survey sought a finer understanding of this anxiety by looking at financial pressures through the lens of economic class. It asked 2,000 Americans what economic class they consider themselves to be part of -- upper class, upper-middle class, middle class, working class or lower class -- and then about their economic lives.

 

The overall picture is bleak. "What we're seeing in this poll is Americans under siege," said John Anzalone, a Democratic pollster who helped conduct the survey.

 

While middle- and working-class Americans signaled the most economic strain, the pessimism felt by the upper classes stood out for having worsened, despite the ways the economy has favored them.

 

Nearly two-thirds of people who consider themselves upper class or upper-middle class have $150,000 or more in annual household income, including 25% with incomes above $250,000.

 

"They still feel stress," said Adam Geller, a Republican pollster who worked on the survey, referring to the top income classes. "It's not the same level that the working-class or middle-class person will exhibit, but it's very real."

 

Stresses on middle-class Americans stood out for challenging the traditional view that joining the middle class, as many aspire to do, brings financial security.

 

When respondents were asked what constituted a middle-class income, answers clustered in the range of $65,000 to $135,000 per household. When those who called themselves middle class were asked what made them say so, frequent answers included having a good salary or an average income, owning assets such as a home and being able to afford basic needs.

 

But those same people also said many aspects of a comfortable financial life were out of reach for them. Saving for retirement, the cost of health insurance, paying housing and grocery bills and living debt-free all were areas of stress.

 

In fact, among those who considered themselves middle class, only about 1 in 5 respondents said the middle class was a place of comfort, while about an equal share called it a place of stress. About half said it was both.

 

Among middle-class respondents, only about 1 in 4 said they made enough money to save for anything beyond emergency expenses, had enough to retire comfortably and had achieved the level of financial security they expected at this point in their lives. Roughly the same share said they have credit-card debt they cannot pay off each month.

 

Faith is low that a four-year college degree offers a ladder to financial success. One-third of middle-class respondents said a degree was worth the cost, with 56% saying it wasn't worth it.

 

Many people in the Journal survey said they now belong to a higher economic class than the one they grew up in, a finding that contrasts with the lack of confidence in improved prospects for the next generation.

 

Nearly half of people who consider themselves middle class said they grew up in a lower economic class. Among upper-middle class respondents, more than three-quarters said they grew up in a lower economic class -- a finding that suggests substantial economic mobility. By contrast, self-described working-class Americans were more likely to say their fortunes were better off when they were young.

 

While there is no standard definition of what income corresponds to "middle class," the Census determined that the middle 20% of Americans had household incomes roughly between $65,100 and $105,500 in 2024.

 

Household incomes for the middle 60% of Americans ranged from about $34,500 to $175,700.

 

Pessimism about the economy in recent years has puzzled many economists, who said it appeared out of proportion to traditional metrics, such as hiring and consumer spending, which remained healthy in the post-Covid period. Most recently, stock markets continue to climb to records, and hiring is robust. The American economy has outperformed that of other industrialized nations, including those in Europe.

 

Yet rising gasoline prices have erased more than a year of Americans' wage gains, and anxiety is rising among white-collar workers that artificial intelligence will displace them. Inflation has tamed from the pandemic years but remains stubbornly above the Federal Reserve's target of 2%. And consumers are now showing strain, with the share of credit-card balances delinquent for at least 90 days hitting a 15-year high, according to the Federal Reserve Bank of New York.

 

The poll found that the wealthiest classes enjoy privileges available to fewer people in lower brackets. Holding a current passport, taking an annual vacation and flying by plane to that holiday spot are activities claimed far more often by the two wealthiest classes than by middle- and working-class Americans.

 

Those in the two wealthiest economic classes are more likely to be married, have children and live in two-income households than the nation as a whole. They are more likely to own stocks and own their home.

 

At the same time, the poll found many cases where Americans hold a similar view of the country regardless of class.

 

Across all classes, about one-quarter of respondents said the nation was on the right track, with close to 70% saying it was headed in the wrong direction.

 

The share who say their personal finances will improve in the next year was about 30% across all classes, though working-class respondents stood out for expecting a downturn in their fortunes.

 

The Wall Street Journal poll surveyed 2,000 adults from May 7-18. The margin of error for the full sample is plus or minus 2.2 percentage points.” [1]

 

1. Wealthiest Classes Voice Economic Angst. Zitner, Aaron.  Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 20 June 2026: A1.  

Tau nieko pigiau, brangioji: Libano susidūrimai vėl pakurstė įtampą Artimuosiuose Rytuose --- Atsinaujinusios kovos tarp Izraelio ir „Hezbollah“ atidėjo JAV derybas su Teheranu

 


Kol nesibaigs kovos, nėra jokių šansų, kad kainos normalizuosis. Visa apimančiame JAV ir Irano susitarimo memorandume buvo nuostata dėl Hormūzo sąsiaurio atidarymo, kuris šiek tiek palengvintų pasaulinį energijos tiekimą. Tačiau ekonominis poveikis ir viltys dėl „normalių kainų“ yra tiesiogiai susijusios su tuo, ar šios platesnės paliaubos išliks.

 

„TEL AVIVAS. Izraelio smūgiai prieš Irano remiamą kovotojų grupuotę „Hezbollah“ žymėjo vieną rimčiausių eskalacijų Libane nuo balandžio mėnesio paliaubų ir grasino sužlugdyti JAV ir Irano derybas, kuriomis buvo siekiama įtvirtinti praėjusią savaitę pasiektą 60 dienų paliaubų susitarimą.

 

Penktadienį Izraelis ir „Hezbollah“ susitarė atnaujinti paliaubas po naujo konflikto, pranešė JAV ir Izraelio pareigūnai. Penktadienį smūgiai daugiausia nurimo, tačiau kai kurie susirėmimai tęsėsi ir po to, kai 16 val. vietos laiku įsigaliojo naujos paliaubos, sakė JAV pareigūnas.

 

Per kovas, vykusias naktį į penktadienį, Izraelio kariuomenė pranešė, kad per „Hezbollah“ dronų smūgį žuvo keturi jos kareiviai, kad buvo nužudyta dešimtys „Hezbollah“ kovotojų ir įvykdyta daugiau nei 150 smūgių, atsakant į tai, ką ji pavadino pakartotiniais balandžio mėnesio pakto pažeidimais.

 

Baltieji rūmai ketvirtadienį pranešė, kad viceprezidentas J. D. Vance'as, vadovaujantis JAV derybų su Iranu komandai, nevyks į Šveicariją. susitikti su Irano kolegomis, kaip planuota. Šveicarijos užsienio reikalų ministerija patvirtino, kad derybos buvo atidėtos, ir pareiškė esanti pasirengusi padėti joms, jei jos būtų atnaujintos.

 

Iranas tarpininkams sakė, kad Izraelio smūgiai pažeidė preliminarų susitarimą ir kad jie siekia garantijų, jog derybos bus nutrauktos prieš prasidedant deryboms, teigia Irano ir arabų šalių pareigūnai. Irano užsienio reikalų ministerijos atstovas Esmailas Baghaei teigė, kad JAV yra tiesiogiai atsakingos už susidariusią situaciją, ir perspėjo apie rimtas pasekmes regioniniam saugumui, pranešė Irano valstybinė žiniasklaida.

 

Kovos tarp Izraelio ir „Hezbollah“ tapo pagrindiniu derybų kliūtimi ir įvarė pleištą tarp Izraelio ministro pirmininko Benjamino Netanyahu ir prezidento Trumpo, svarbiausio jo sąjungininko. Jų interesai išsiskyrė, nes Netanyahu siekia išlaikyti spaudimą Iranui ir „Hezbollah“, o Trumpas ieško išeities iš karo. Pokalbiai tarp dviejų lyderių tapo vis priešiškesni, o Trumpas spaudžia Netanyahu „nustoti sprogdinti pastatus“, pranešė „The Wall Street Journal“.

 

„Mano direktyva aiški: Izraelis netoleruos išpuolių prieš mūsų kareivius ar mūsų teritoriją ir pareikalaus iš „Hezbollah“ labai didelės kainos už šiuos išpuolius.“ Penktadienį pareiškė Netanyahu.

 

Teheranas tvirtina, kad bet koks taikos susitarimas su Vašingtonu turi apimti ir Libaną, o Izraelis teigia, kad tęs kovą ten.

 

„Tai buvo visiška katastrofa, kurios laukėme“, – sakė Danny Citrinowiczas, buvęs Izraelio karinės žvalgybos pareigūnas ir vyresnysis tyrėjas Nacionalinio saugumo studijų institute, analitiniame centre Tel Avive. „Jei JAV nori susitarimo, ji turės priversti Izraelį visiškai sustoti ir pasitraukti, o Netanyahu tuo nesidomi.“

 

Izraelio kariuomenės teigimu, Izraelio smūgiai buvo nukreipti į du vadovavimo centrus Bekaa slėnyje, rytų Libane, taip pat į dešimtis kitų vietų šalies pietuose.

 

„Hezbollah“ ketvirtadienį pareiškė, kad kovoja su Izraelio kariais, bandančiais toliau įsiveržti į Libano teritoriją.

 

Libano sveikatos apsaugos ministerija pranešė, kad žuvo mažiausiai 47 žmonės ir apie 100 buvo sužeista. Anksčiau ji buvo pranešusi, kad smūgiai buvo surengti mažiausiai 11 vietų šalies pietuose, kur Izraelio kariai užėmė vadinamąją saugumo zoną kelių mylių pločio palei sieną. Ministerija nenurodė, kiek iš žuvusiųjų buvo kovotojai.

 

Libano prezidentas Josephas Aounas teigė, kad Izraelio smūgiai „faktiškai kenkia visoms pastangoms įtvirtinti paliaubas ir užbaigti karą“, pridurdamas, kad jo šalis vis dar yra įsipareigojusi pasiekti visapusiškas paliaubas.

 

Praėjusią savaitę tarp JAV ir Irano pasiektas susitarimo memorandumas turėtų pradėti 60 dienų laikotarpį, per kurį Hormūzo sąsiauris bus vėl atidarytas mainais į Irano naftos pardavimo leidimą, suteikdamas Teheranui labai reikalingą ekonominę pagalbą. Susitarime taip pat numatytas kovų Libane nutraukimas ir jo „teritorinio vientisumo ir suvereniteto“ užtikrinimas – tai formuluotė, kuri sulaukė Izraelio saugumo įstaigų kritikos.

 

Pats Netanyahu viešai nekritikavo susitarimo, tačiau jo vyriausybės ministrai ragino tęsti kovą su „Hezbollah“.

 

„Už kiekvieną Izraelio motinos ašarą turi verkti tūkstantis Libano motinų.“ „Visas Libanas turi sudegti!“ – penktadienį socialiniuose tinkluose paskelbtame įraše parašė Izraelio kraštutinių dešiniųjų pažiūrų nacionalinio saugumo ministras Itamaras Ben-Gviras.

 

„Su visa derama pagarba amerikiečiams Izraelis privalo visam pasauliui aiškiai pasakyti, kad mūsų sūnų kraujas ir mūsų piliečių saugumas nėra aukojami.“

 

Ketvirtadienį Vance'as užsipuolė Izraelio kritikus, pabrėždamas, kad šalis pasikliauja JAV ginklais, kad apsigintų. Trumpas „šiuo metu yra vienintelis valstybės vadovas visame pasaulyje, kuris simpatizuoja Izraelio tautai“, – sakė viceprezidentas.

 

Ketvirtadienį Irano aukščiausiasis lyderis Mojtaba Khamenei pareiškė, kad sutiko, jog šalies prezidentas pasirašytų susitarimą tik gavęs iš jo ir kitų patikinimų, kad bus apsaugoti jos kovotojų interesai. „Jie taip pat aiškiai pareiškė, kad jei Amerikos pusė sieks pernelyg didelių reikalavimų, jie jiems nepasiduos“, – pareiškime X sakė Khamenei.

 

Khamenei taip pat sakė, kad Trumpas sutiko su susitarimu „iš nevilties“.

 

Trumpas penktadienį savo socialinės žiniasklaidos įraše sakė: „Mes nesusitikome iš nevilties, Iranas tai padarė. Jie BAIGĖ! Mes žaisime 60 dienų.“ Jie negauna jokių pinigų, nė dešimties centų!“

 

Įtampa išliko didelė nuo tada, kai Izraelis anksčiau šį mėnesį smogė „Hezbollah“ tvirtovei Beirute, sukeldamas atsakomuosius raketų paleidimus iš Irano ir grasindamas iš naujo įžiebti platesnį konfliktą. Europos ir arabų pareigūnų teigimu, šis paūmėjimas paskatino kitas šalis, įskaitant Prancūziją ir Katarą, raginti Izraelį nutraukti savo smūgius, o JAV – padidinti spaudimą savo sąjungininkei.

 

JAV ambasadorius Izraelyje Mike'as Huckabee penktadienį, regis, stojo ginti Izraelio, kai Prancūzijos užsienio reikalų ministras Jeanas-Noelis Barrot paragino Izraelį ir „Hezbollah“ nutraukti smūgius. „Praėjusią naktį Izraelyje žuvo 4 kareiviai“, – socialiniuose tinkluose rašė Huckabee. „Paliaubos įvyksta, kai „Hezbollah“ nustoja šaudyti ir žudyti.“ [1]

 

1. Lebanon Clashes Reignite Mideast Tensions --- Renewed fighting between Israel and Hezbollah delays U.S. talks with Tehran. Solomon, Feliz; Faucon, Benoit; Seligman, Lara.  Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 20 June 2026: A1.  

Nothing Cheaper for You, Precious: Lebanon Clashes Reignite Mideast Tensions --- Renewed fighting between Israel and Hezbollah delays U.S. talks with Tehran

 

Before the fighting stops, there are no chances of normal prices. The overarching U.S.-Iran memorandum of understanding included a provision to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, providing some initial relief to global energy shipments. However, the economic impact—and hopes for "normal prices"—are directly tethered to whether this broader ceasefire holds.


“TEL AVIV -- Strikes by Israel against the Iran-backed militant group Hezbollah marked one of the most serious escalations in Lebanon since a ceasefire in April and threatened to derail talks between the U.S. and Iran aimed at cementing a 60-day ceasefire agreement reached this past week.

 

Israel and Hezbollah on Friday agreed to renew a ceasefire after the new flare-up, U.S. and Israeli officials said. Strikes had mostly subsided on Friday, but some clashes continued after the fresh ceasefire took effect at 4 p.m. local time, a U.S. official said.

 

In the fighting overnight into Friday, Israel's military said that four of its soldiers were killed in a Hezbollah drone strike, and that it had killed dozens of Hezbollah militants and carried out more than 150 strikes in response to what it said were repeated violations of the April pact.

 

The White House said Thursday that Vice President JD Vance, who is leading the U.S. negotiating team with Iran, wouldn't be traveling to Switzerland to meet Iranian counterparts as planned. The Swiss foreign ministry confirmed talks were postponed and said it stands ready to facilitate should they resume.

 

Iran told mediators that the Israeli strikes were a breach of the preliminary agreement and that they were seeking guarantees that they would end before negotiations could start, according to Iranian and Arab officials. Iran Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei said the U.S. was directly responsible for the situation and warned of serious consequences for regional security, according to Iranian state media.

 

Fighting between Israel and Hezbollah has become a major sticking point in negotiations and driven a wedge between Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and President Trump, his most important ally. Their interests have diverged as Netanyahu seeks to keep up pressure on Iran and Hezbollah, while Trump looks for a way out of the war. Conversations between the two leaders have become increasingly hostile, with Trump pressing Netanyahu to "stop blowing up buildings," The Wall Street Journal has reported.

 

"My directive is clear: Israel will not tolerate attacks on our soldiers or our territory, and it will exact a very heavy price from Hezbollah for these assaults," Netanyahu said on Friday.

 

Tehran insists that any peace deal with Washington must include Lebanon, while Israel says it will keep up the fight there.

 

"This was a train wreck waiting to happen," said Danny Citrinowicz, a former Israeli military-intelligence official and a senior researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies, a think tank in Tel Aviv. "If the U.S. wants an agreement, it will have to force Israel to completely stop and withdraw, and Netanyahu is not interested in that."

 

The Israeli strikes targeted two command centers in the Bekaa Valley, in eastern Lebanon, as well as scores of other sites in the country's south, the Israeli military said.

 

Hezbollah said on Thursday that it was fighting Israeli troops as they tried to advance farther inside Lebanese territory.

 

Lebanon's health ministry said at least 47 people were killed and about 100 injured. It had earlier said there were strikes on at least 11 locations across the country's south, where Israeli troops have occupied what they call a security zone several miles wide along the border. The ministry didn't say how many of those killed were combatants.

 

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun said the Israeli strikes were "effectively undermining all ongoing efforts to consolidate the ceasefire and bring the war to an end," adding that his country was still committed to reaching a comprehensive ceasefire.

 

The memorandum of understanding reached between the U.S. and Iran this past week is meant to usher in a 60-day period in which the Strait of Hormuz will reopen in exchange for allowing Iranian oil sales, providing Tehran with much-needed economic relief. The agreement also stipulates an end to fighting in Lebanon and that its "territorial integrity and sovereignty" must be ensured, language that drew criticism from Israel's security establishment.

 

Netanyahu himself hasn't publicly criticized the deal, but ministers in his government have pushed to keep up fighting against Hezbollah.

 

"For every tear of an Israeli mother, a thousand Lebanese mothers must weep. All of Lebanon must burn!" Itamar Ben-Gvir, Israel's far-right minister of national security, said in a post on social media Friday.

 

"With all due respect to the Americans, Israel must make it clear to the entire world that the blood of our sons and the security of our citizens are not forfeited."

 

Vance lashed out at Israeli critics on Thursday, pointing out that the country relies on U.S. weapons to defend itself. Trump "is the only head of state in the entire world who's sympathetic to the nation of Israel at this moment in time," the vice president said.

 

On Thursday, Iran Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei said he only agreed to the country's president signing the deal after receiving assurances from him and others that the interests of its militias would be protected. "They have also explicitly stated that if the American side seeks excessive demands, they will not submit to them," Khamenei said in a statement on X.

 

Khamenei also said that Trump agreed to the deal "out of desperation."

 

Trump, in his own social-media post on Friday, said: "We didn't meet out of desperation, Iran did. They are FINISHED! We'll play out the 60 days. They get no money, not ten cents!"

 

Tensions remained high since Israel struck a Hezbollah stronghold in Beirut earlier this month, triggering retaliatory missile launches from Iran and threatening to reignite a broader conflict. The flare-up prompted other countries including France and Qatar to lobby Israel to stop its strikes and for the U.S. to boost pressure on its ally, European and Arab officials said.

 

U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee appeared to come to Israel's defense on Friday after France's Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot called on both Israel and Hezbollah to end their strikes. "Last night, Israel had 4 of its soldiers killed," Huckabee wrote on social media. "Ceasefire happens when Hezbollah stops shooting & killing."” [1]

 

1. Lebanon Clashes Reignite Mideast Tensions --- Renewed fighting between Israel and Hezbollah delays U.S. talks with Tehran. Solomon, Feliz; Faucon, Benoit; Seligman, Lara.  Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 20 June 2026: A1.