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2022 m. kovo 13 d., sekmadienis

Body of research; Bartleby.

 

"Online working has changed the nature of non-verbal communication

COMMUNICATION IS AN essential part of leadership. And body language is an essential part of communication. On these slim pillars rests a mini-industry of research and advice into how executives can influence, encourage and ascend without needing to say a word. The pandemic has made much of it redundant.

Plenty of studies have looked into the non-verbal behaviour that marks out "emergent leaders", people who do not have a specified role in the hierarchy but naturally assume a position of authority in groups. They are a bag of tics. They nod; they touch others but not themselves; they gesture; they furrow their brows; they hold themselves erect; their facial expressions are more animated.

Other research suggests that, to win votes in an election, candidates should deliver speeches with their feet planted apart. The second-most popular TED talk claims that two minutes of private, hands-on-hips "power posing" can infuse a job candidate with confidence and improve others' perceptions of them.

Gazing can foster a sense of psychological safety as well as confer authority: in a recent paper, a trio of researchers from Harvard Business School found that receiving more eye contact from a bigwig led to greater participation in group interactions. Leaders who adopt open body positions, with arms and legs uncrossed, are also more likely to encourage contributions.

There are three problems with this body of research on non-verbal communication. One is that so much of it is blindingly obvious. Nodding at someone rather than shaking your head in incredulity when they are speaking to you--this does indeed send a powerful signal. But so does punching someone in the face, and no one thinks that requires a journal publication.

A second problem is that people look for different things from their bosses. Frowning is seen as a mark of emergent leaders but not of supportive ones; the reverse is true of smiling. (The effect of smiling with lowered eyebrows cries out for study.) A recent paper found that male recipients regarded bosses who used emojis, a form of not-quite-verbal communication, in an email as more effective, but that female recipients perceived them as less effective.

The third problem is newer. Almost all of the research on body language dates from a time of in-person interactions. Even when the pandemic wanes and offices in the West refill, most buildings will not return to full capacity. Employees will keep working remotely for at least part of the week; Zoom will remain integral to white-collar working lives. And if there is one thing for which online interactions are not suited, it is body language.

That is partly because bodies themselves are largely hidden from view: whatever language they are speaking, it is hard to hear them. You will know the partners, pets and home-decor choices of new colleagues before you will know how tall they are. And although faces fill the video-conferencing screen, meaningful eye contact is impossible.

Once past a basic threshold of attentiveness--not looking down at your mobile phone, say--most people have the same glassy-eyed stare. If several faces appear on screen, these participants have no way of knowing that you are gazing specifically at them. (Anyway, admit it: the face you are looking at with most interest is your own.) If your camera is in the wrong place, you may think you are looking meaningfully at your team but you are actually just giving them a view of your nostrils. Animated expressions are hard to spot, particularly when people attending hybrid meetings in the office are Lowry-like figures seated metres away.

There are no good ways to compensate for these problems. One tactic is to go all in on expressiveness, nodding furiously and gesturing dementedly--a small tile of caged energy somewhere in the bottom left-hand corner of the screen. Another is to do a "Zoom loom", placing yourself so close to the camera that you will give everyone nightmares.

The simpler option is not to think too hard about body language. At a few specific moments, like job interviews and set-piece speeches, first impressions matter and a bit of self-conscious posing pays off. But posture is not leadership. If you want to give people a break from staring at a screen, turning off your camera is a good way to do it. If you want to waggle your eyebrows, up or down, let them loose. And if you need to be told that looking at someone makes them feel valued, you have bigger issues." [1]


 

·  ·  ·  1. "Body of research; Bartleby." The Economist, 5 Feb. 2022, p. 59(US).

 

Baltųjų valdžia ir tamsūs pinigai; Kripto ir kraštutinė dešinė


    „Kodėl baltųjų viršenybės šalininkai ėmėsi kriptovaliutų

 

    2017 m. RUGPJŪČIO 11 D. kraštutinių dešiniųjų grupės iš visos Amerikos atvyko į Šarlotsvilį, Virdžinijoje, protestuoti prieš Konfederacijos statulos nukėlimą. Kitą dieną baltųjų viršenybės šalininkas automobiliu įvažiavo į protestuotojų minią ir vieną iš jų nužudė. Po to „PayPal“, internetinių mokėjimų platforma, kurios paslaugų sąlygos draudžia rinkti pinigus neapykantai skatinti, sustabdė ekstremistų paskyras. Taip pat padarė Apple Pay ir Google Wallet. Dvi kredito kortelių įmonės „Visa“ ir „Discover“ pasekė tokiu pavyzdžiu, kaip ir „Patreon“, sutelktinio finansavimo svetainė. Kraštutinių dešiniųjų grupės įstrigo, ieškodamos kitų pinigų surinkimo vietų. Daugelis jų pasirinko kriptovaliutą.

 

    Pietų skurdo teisės centras (SPLC), advokatų grupė, nustatė daugiau, nei 600 kriptovaliutų adresų, kuriuos naudoja kraštutinių dešiniųjų atstovai. Tarp jų yra tie, kurie susiję su Andrew Anglinu, neonacių tinklalapio „Daily Stormer“ leidėju; Andrew Auernheimeris, baltųjų viršenybės šalininkas įsilaužėlis; ir Don Black, baltųjų viršenybės internetinio forumo įkūrėjas. Jie reklamuoja savo pinigines savo interneto svetainėse ir socialiniuose tinkluose, prašydami aukoti. Ir jie jas gauna. Stefanas Molyneuxas, kraštutinių dešiniųjų podkastų kūrėjas, pašalintas iš „YouTube“, gavo daugiau nei 1,67 mln. dolerių bitkoinų. Pranešama, kad ponas Anglinas gavo daugiau, nei 100 bitkoinų (3,8 mln. dolerių).

 

    Apie 16% amerikiečių turi kriptovaliutų arba jomis prekiauja. Tačiau gruodį paskelbtos SPLC ataskaitos autoriams buvo sunku rasti žymią Amerikos kraštutinių dešiniųjų veikėją, neturinčią kriptovaliutos. Timas Squirrellas iš Strateginio dialogo instituto, su ekstremizmu besirūpinančios ekspertų grupės, mano, kad didžioji dalis to yra susiję su deplatformavimo pastangomis.

 

    Kad kriptovaliutos gali būti naudojamos visiems, atkreipia dėmesį tų, kurių atsisako mokėjimo platformos. Tačiau bitkoinas nebuvo panacėja kraštutinių dešiniųjų grupėms. Kadangi bet koks bitkoinų blokų grandinės sandoris yra viešas ir skaidrus, mokslininkai ilgą laiką galėjo stebėti asmenų sandorius, kai buvo nustatyta, kad anoniminė piniginė priklauso radikalių dešiniųjų grupei. „Neonazi BTC Tracker“, „Twitter“ paskyra, kurią sukūrė kibernetinių grėsmių ekspertas Johnas Bambenekas, trejus metus fiksavo sandorius realiuoju laiku.

 

    Dėl kriptovaliutų technologijų pažangos tapo įmanoma naudoti tokius privatumo žetonus, kaip Monero, kurie slepia operacijas.

 

    Šios grupės, tikriausiai, plūdo prie jų.

 

    Platesnė kriptovaliutų scena dažnai yra persmelkta prieš kontrolę nukreipta dvasia. Jos gerbėjai skelbia, kad decentralizuotos blokų grandinės pakeis finansus. Ši idėja patinka libertarams arba tiems, kurie nepasitiki tradicine bankų sistema. Tačiau tai patinka ir antisemitams. Tie, kurie mano, kad bankai turi per daug galios, nes bijo žydų kontrolės versle, susigundys nepriklausomos arba decentralizuotos finansų sistemos idėja. Todėl kriptovaliuta gali būti ne tik naudinga finansavimo priemonė, bet ir revoliucinė technologija, kuri atitolina žmones ir jų pinigus nuo „elito ir bankininkų-gangsterių“.

 

    Ši idėja apima ir kitas pramonės šakas, tokias, kaip technologijų, kurios bandė atgrasyti baltųjų viršenybę propaguojančius nuo savo platformų naudojimo. „Viena iš kraštutinių dešiniųjų svajonių yra ne tik „blockchain“ kriptovaliuta, bet ir decentralizuota ateitis, kurioje jiems nereikėtų pasikliauti pagrindinėmis struktūromis“, – sako Squirrellas.

    Kitų nerimas yra jų malūno griūtis. „Nekvėpuojančios, perlus gniaužančios „ekspozicijos“ apie bejėgius politinius disidentus, naudojančius kriptovaliutas, yra politinės ir ekonominės valdžios samdinių, besibaiminančių savo galios erozijos, šmeižto kampanijos“, – sako Gregas Johnsonas, „The White Nationalist Manifesto“ autorius.

 

    Kol bitkoinas ir panašūs produktai bus decentralizuoti, kraštutinių dešiniųjų grupių galimybė juos naudoti išliks. (Tarpininkai, biržos, tokios, kaip Coinbase ir Binance, yra kitas reikalas.) Tačiau kriptovaliuta vis dar turi daug trūkumų, kurie gali atgrasyti ekstremistus. 2021 m. gegužę Monero pasiekė 480 dolerių; dabar jis siekia 150 dolerių. Bitkoinas nuo lapkričio prarado 40% savo vertės." [1]


·  ·  · 1.  "White power and dark money; Crypto and the far right." The Economist, 5 Feb. 2022, p. 25(US).

White power and dark money; Crypto and the far right.

 

"Why white supremacists have taken to cryptocurrencies

ON AUGUST 11TH 2017 far-right groups from all over America came to Charlottesville, Virginia, to protest against the removal of a Confederate statue. The next day a white supremacist drove his car into a crowd of counter-protesters, killing one of them. In the aftermath PayPal, an online-payment platform whose terms of service forbid raising money to promote hate, suspended extremists' accounts. So did Apple Pay and Google Wallet. Visa and Discover, two credit-card firms, followed suit, as did Patreon, a crowdfunding site. Far-right groups found themselves in search of other places to raise money. What many of them embraced was cryptocurrency.

The Southern Poverty Law Centre (SPLC), an advocacy group, has identified over 600 cryptocurrency addresses used by members of the far right. They include ones associated with Andrew Anglin, publisher of a neo-Nazi website, the Daily Stormer; Andrew Auernheimer, a white-supremacist hacker; and Don Black, founder of a white-power online forum. They advertise their wallets on their websites and social media, asking for donations. And they get them. Stefan Molyneux, a far-right podcaster who was ousted from YouTube, has received over $1.67m in bitcoin. Mr Anglin has reportedly received over 100 bitcoins ($3.8m).

About 16% of Americans hold or trade crypto. But the authors of an SPLC report published in December struggled to find a prominent American far-right figure without a cryptocurrency presence. Tim Squirrell of the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, a think-tank concerned with extremism, believes much of this has to do with deplatforming efforts.

That cryptocurrencies can be used by all appeals to those cast out by payments platforms. But bitcoin was not a panacea for far-right groups. Because any transaction on the bitcoin blockchain is public and transparent, researchers were for a long time able to monitor individuals' dealings once an anonymous wallet had been identified as belonging to a radical-right group. Neonazi BTC Tracker, a Twitter account created by John Bambenek, a cyberthreat expert, chronicled transactions in real time for three years.

Technological advances in crypto have since made privacy tokens like Monero, which hide transactions, possible.

These groups have probably flocked to them.

The wider crypto scene is often imbued with an anti-establishment spirit. Its fans proclaim that decentralised blockchains will revolutionise finance. This idea appeals to libertarians or those who distrust the traditional banking system. But it also appeals to anti-Semites. Those who believe banks hold too much power because they fear Jewish control over business will be seduced by the idea of an independent or decentralised financial system. Cryptocurrency can therefore be both a useful funding tool and seen as a revolutionary technology which distances people and their money from "elites and banksters".

This idea extends into other industries, such as tech, that have tried to quash white supremacists from using their platforms. "One of the dreams of the far right is not just a blockchain cryptocurrency, but a decentralised future where they don't have to rely on mainstream structures," says Mr Squirrell. "They want blockchain blogging websites, blockchain streaming websites" to escape deplatforming.

Others' angst is grist to their mill. "Breathless, pearl-clutching 'exposés' about powerless political dissidents using cryptocurrencies are transparent smear campaigns by hirelings of the political and economic establishment that fears the erosion of its power," says Greg Johnson, author of "The White Nationalist Manifesto".

As long as bitcoin and its ilk are decentralised, the ability of far-right groups to use them will remain. (Intermediaries, exchanges such as Coinbase and Binance, are another matter.) But crypto still has plenty of disadvantages that may stymie extremist adopters. In May 2021 Monero reached $480; it now stands at $150. Bitcoin has shed 40% of its value since November." [1]


·  ·  · 1.  "White power and dark money; Crypto and the far right." The Economist, 5 Feb. 2022, p. 25(US).