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2023 m. kovo 1 d., trečiadienis

Destruction of cultures

"On Savage Shores

By Caroline Dodds Pennock

(Knopf, 302 pages, $32.50)

When Christopher Columbus landed in the West Indies in October 1492, he laid claim to the islands in the name of his patrons, Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile, even though he was aware that the islands were already occupied. The next month, his men captured some 25 of these native islanders. Columbus planned to bring them to Spain, where they could be converted to Christianity and learn Spanish, becoming bilingual interpreters to help advance Spain's imperial agenda. Only six or seven of the captives survived the journey, yet Columbus nevertheless boasted of his actions. In his mind, he hauled the indigenous away from a savage culture and into civilization.

As Caroline Dodds Pennock maintains in her imaginative and passionately argued book, savagery existed in the eye of the beholder. Columbus thought that the Western Hemisphere would be an excellent source of raw materials and enslaved bodies. Indigenous people, he believed, would benefit from receiving the Gospel, a necessary step on the path to civilization. But the West Indies' native inhabitants, known as the Tainos, did not share his views. One after another of those who went to Europe believed they had left civilization and landed, as Ms. Pennock puts it in her title, "on savage shores."

Ms. Pennock, who teaches history at the University of Sheffield, is a renowned authority on the history of the Aztecs. Here she expands her geographical focus, moving north and south from Mesoamerica to look at Native Americans as diverse as Inuit from Nunavut and Incans from the Andes, many of whom shared the unfortunate fate of being kidnapped by Europeans and taken eastward across the Atlantic. Some sailed as diplomats eager to establish relations in European courts and castles. But most, like those nabbed by Columbus, did not choose their fate.

Histories of what is commonly still called the "age of discovery" often convey the story of intercultural contact from the perspective of Europeans. That is not surprising, since the vast majority of evidence that scholars use was produced by European observers. As many historians have noted, such evidence privileges the view of these visitors. To make matters worse, many extant reports published in the 15th and 16th centuries conformed to existing literary conventions. Artists altered the look of some indigenous subjects to make them fit European ideals of human beauty or notions about "primitive" peoples. Writers dwelled on the unsavory aspects of the cultures of the Western Hemisphere to justify efforts to claim territory. Native Americans needed Europeans -- so the explorers and their supporters argued -- if they were to become civilized.

Ms. Pennock, drawing on sources in multiple languages, reveals that such evidence often distorts what happened. The indigenous who were captured and enslaved saw through the invaders' lies. Even those treated more fairly objected to their circumstances. Take, for example, Francisca Pizarro Yupanqui, the daughter of the Spanish explorer Francisco Pizarro and the Inca princess Quispe Sisa. Even though Francisca came from powerful and wealthy parents, imperial authorities in Peru dispatched her to the town of Trujillo in Spain to reduce political rivalry in the Andes. She traveled to her new home with a Spanish governess tending to her needs. When she arrived, she came to the attention of an imprisoned uncle, who soon married her. She spent the next decade confined to a fortress. She had five children there, three of whom survived to adulthood. Eventually, after her husband's death, she remarried and moved to Madrid. There she pursued a legal claim, eager to gain the wealth owed to her as the daughter of one of Spain's most illustrious -- and, one could add, brutal -- conquistadors.

Francisca's story makes a crucial point: Indigenous Americans in Europe, at least those who were not enslaved, often studied how their new communities operated. Some embraced their marginal status, mastering nepantla, the Nahuatl word for the "in-between space," to become powerful intercultural brokers. Others had less-privileged vantage points, including individuals paraded as spectacles around London, Paris and Madrid, a phenomenon so common that Shakespeare referred to it in "The Tempest." But even those who were forced to perform for audiences became shrewd observers of the Europeans in front of them. 

They bore witness to gross economic inequities and the cruel treatment of the powerless. Many, like the three Tupinambas that the philosopher Michel de Montaigne met in France, concluded that the real savages were those who clothed themselves in claims of moral superiority while tolerating daily abuse of the less fortunate.

Ms. Pennock's book operates on two levels: historical and ethical. Deep familiarity with the archival record allows her to tell the stories of individuals who may seem familiar to some specialists, such as Manteo and Wanchese -- Algonquians who, as the author notes, were "probably convinced rather than coerced" to sail to London from Carolina's Outer Banks in 1584 and returned the following year as crucial participants in the effort to establish a colony. But many more will be unknown even though they have been hiding in plain sight in the chronicles of famous explorers like Jacques Cartier and Martin Frobisher.

There is more here than recounting tales now four to five centuries old. Throughout the book, we are told that names and words matter. 

We do not know the identities of countless thousands of Native Americans "who have been historically oppressed, marginalised and insulted," the author writes, because of "colonial attempts to erase Indigenous identities, and to obliterate their languages and beliefs, through deliberate cultural genocide." 

Through Ms. Pennock's efforts we now know more about exiles like Arnaq and Kalicho, Inuit whose bodies lay in the burial ground of St. Stephen's Church in Bristol, England, and Francisca Pizarro Yupanqui, whose sculpted face stares out at those who visit the Palace of the Conquest in Trujillo. They perished far from home, on shores they found savage.

---

Mr. Mancall is a professor of history and anthropology at the University of Southern California." [1]

1. Braving the Old World
Mancall, Peter C.  Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y. [New York, N.Y]. 01 Mar 2023: A.15.

 

Brazilija sveikina Irano karo laivus

  „Dviejų Irano karo laivų atvykimas į Braziliją sekmadienį kelia nerimą Vakarų pusrutulio demokratinėms valstybėms. Dar blogiau, kad Bideno administracija, atrodo, prisidėjo, bandant palaidoti naujienas.

 

     Remiantis pranešimais spaudoje, sausio 13 dieną Brazilijos prezidento Luizo Inacio „Lula“ da Silvos vyriausybė suteikė leidimą laivams prisišvartuoti vėliau tą mėnesį Rio de Žaneiro valstijos uoste. Įprastomis aplinkybėmis prisiekusio JAV priešo sprendimas paremti karines pratybas būtų sukrėtęs diplomatinį šaltuką abiem žemynams. Tačiau šiuo atveju prezidento Bideno vidaus politinė darbotvarkė nugalėjo saugumą Amerikoje.

 

     Sausio 8 d. antivyriausybinė minia šturmavo ir sunaikino federalinius pastatus Brazilijoje, teigdama, kad spalio mėnesio rinkimai, sugrąžinę Lulą trečiai kadencijai, buvo pavogti iš buvusio prezidento Jairo Bolsonaro. P. Bolsonaro daugeliu atžvilgių panašus į Donaldą Trumpą, o Bidenas stebėjo politinį atsivėrimą. Kitą dieną jis solidarizuojasi su Lula ir pakvietė jį vasario mėnesį apsilankyti Vašingtone ir aptarti „plačią bendrą darbotvarkę“.

 

     Tačiau Irano laivai nebuvo tinkami Bideno planui parodyti naująją Brazilijos vyriausybę, kaip demokratijos pavyzdį. Vasario 9 d. Reuters pranešė, kad Brazilija nusileido JAV spaudimui atidėti laivų atvykimą į Pietų Amerikos šalį, bet ne sustabdyti vizitą. Naujos leidimo datos buvo „nuo vasario 26 d. iki kovo 3 d., pranešė Brazilijos užsienio reikalų ministerija“, rašo „Reuters“.

 

     Kitaip tariant, siekdamos išvengti gėdingos represinės teokratijos karo laivų, įplaukiančių į Brazilijos uostą, optikos, o J. Bidenas liaupsino juos pakvietusį vaikiną, abi pusės susitarė dėl sprendimo. Atidėkite doką, kol pasibaigs DC turas.

 

     Per Lulos vizitą Ovaliame kabinete Bidenas linksmai išaukštino „teisinę valstybę, laisvę ir lygybę“, kurias apibūdino, kaip „pagrindinius principus, kuriais abu tikime“, ir gyrėsi „mūsų abipuse darbotvarke“. Gaila, kad tose abipusėse darbotvarkėse nėra vieningo tikslo apsaugoti regioninį saugumą nuo nesąžiningo režimo, skleidžiančio terorizmą visame pasaulyje." [1]


1. Brazil Welcomes Iranian Warships
Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y. [New York, N.Y]. 01 Mar 2023: A.16.

Brazil Welcomes Iranian Warships

 Brazil shows something out of history lessons.

"The arrival of two Iranian warships in Brazil on Sunday is unsettling for democracies in the Western hemisphere. Worse is that the Biden Administration seems to have been complicit in trying to bury the news.

According to press reports, on Jan. 13 the government of Brazilian President Luiz Inacio "Lula" da Silva granted permission for the ships to dock at a port in the state of Rio de Janeiro later that month. Under normal circumstances a decision to support military exercises by a sworn U.S. enemy would have sent a diplomatic chill across the two continents. But in this case President Biden's domestic political agenda trumped security in the Americas.

On Jan. 8 an anti-government mob had stormed and destroyed federal buildings in Brasilia, claiming that the October election that brought Lula back for a third term had been stolen from former President Jair Bolsonaro. Mr. Bolsonaro resembles Donald Trump in many ways and Mr. Biden spied a political opening. The next day he reached out in solidarity with Lula by inviting him to visit Washington sometime in February to discuss "a wide-ranging shared agenda."

But the Iranian ships weren't a good fit for a Biden plan to showcase the new Brazilian government as a model of democracy. On Feb. 9 Reuters reported that Brazil had bowed to U.S. pressure to delay the ships' arrival in the South American country -- but not to stop the visit. The new authorization dates were "between Feb. 26 and March 3, Brazil's foreign ministry said," according to Reuters.

In other words, to avoid the embarrassing optics of the warships of a repressive theocracy cruising into a Brazilian port while Mr. Biden heaped praise on the guy who invited them, the two sides arranged a work-around. Put off the docking until after the D.C. tour.

During Lula's visit at the Oval Office, Mr. Biden cheerfully extolled "the rule of law, freedom and equality," which he described as "core principles we both believe in" and boasted about "our mutual agendas." Too bad those mutual agendas don't include unity of purpose to protect regional security from a rogue regime that spreads terrorism around the world." [1]

1. Brazil Welcomes Iranian Warships
Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y. [New York, N.Y]. 01 Mar 2023: A.16.

 

Įvykiai Ukrainoje ir JAV Respublikonų partijoje

"Ponia Strassel yra teisi, kad nacionalinis saugumas tebėra svarbiausias JAV rinkėjų prioritetas. 

 

Gali būti, kad dėl šios priežasties vis daugiau rinkėjų nerimauja dėl galimo branduolinio konflikto.

 

 Nemanykite, kad ponas Putinas vengtų branduolinio varianto, jei manytų, kad jis yra priremtas kampe, esant eskalacijai Ukrainoje. 

 

Ponai DeSantis ir Trumpas mato, kur šiuo klausimu pučia vėjas. 

 

     Samas B. Wattsas

     Birmingemas, Ala.“ [1]


1. Events in Ukraine and in the Republican Party

Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y. [New York, N.Y]. 01 Mar 2023: A.16.