"It is no
secret that the current relations between Vilnius and Minsk are particularly
poor. In order to punish Aliaksandr Lukashenko, the Lithuanian authorities have
begun to explain publicly that the US sanctions on Belaruskali transit through Lithuania will take effect
on December 8. This will be a huge blow to the regime, and Lukashenko will be
sent to knockdown.
Raised high
expectations, which turned into a complete fiasco. Transit did not stop and the Lithuania’s authorities proved unable to answer for their words.
The speakers
promised one and received the opposite. The search for those responsible and
guilty was rushed and found a week later. Guilty person became the General Director of the
Lithuanian Railway Company Mantas Bartuška. According to the legal acts in
force and applicable to Lithuanian railways, the main task of the company is to
work profitably. Never mind.
Nevertheless, the
former CEO has been largely accused of "political illiteracy". What,
did he not hear that the government, the Foreign Ministry, was at war with
Lukashenko? He had to hear and understand what was going on. And the fact that the
current laws oblige the company's CEO to behave differently is M.
Bartuška's problem.
More adequately,
according to Lithuanian law, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is solely
responsible for the application of the sanctions regime. As is well known, the
ministry is headed by its minister, Gabrielius Landsbergis. So it is his political
responsibility.
The Ministry of
Foreign Affairs is responsible for supervising and coordinating the actions of
all Lithuanian institutions regarding sanctions. It seems that G. Landsbergis
did not realize whether it had not been explained to him that the US sanctions
would not be comprehensive and would not stop the transit of Belaruskalij
fertilizers through Lithuania.
So it turned out
that for a long time the country's government shared promises in the public
sphere that were impossible to keep. In terms of competence, the Foreign
Minister should have been the first to stop those speeches, but he did not.
On the contrary,
his rhetoric about Minsk, the "dragon slayer's statements", only raised hopes that
Minsk would almost cry after Lithuania's actions. Both the Minister and the
entire Government, as well as Lithuania, found themselves in a place of stupidity. When one speaks and promises, the opposite is obtained.
After an
unpleasant clarification of what sanctions have taken effect since 8 December
and how they work. The government has decided to investigate the possibility of
further sanctions against Belarus.
One option is to
persuade EU member states to further tighten sanctions on the Minsk regime. The
problem is that the further geographically we move away from the
Lithuanian-Belarusian border, the less political support for this issue.
Potassium fertilizer is in demand and it is too difficult to replace it with
anything else. Belgium, Germany or Ireland theoretically agree that it is
necessary to put pressure on Mr Lukashenko, but potassium fertilizers are valuable for them.
Alternatively,
Lithuania could adopt amendments to the law in the Seimas, which would prohibit
the transit of Belaruskalij fertilizers through Lithuania at the national
level.
World experience
shows that economic sanctions sound good, but do not turn a dictator out of
office. It is not the dictator and his immediate environment who suffer the
most from sanctions, but the ordinary citizens of that country. It is they who
are most severely affected by various economic sanctions.
Another thing is
that Lithuania's national sanctions are more a gesture of polar determination
to the domestic audience than something that has a real economic impact. Let's
say the Astravo nuclear power plant. Official Vilnius opposed the construction
of a nuclear power plant near Lithuania, but this had no effect. A Lithuanian law has been
passed officially banning the export of Belarusian electricity to Lithuania.
Exports are banned
to Lithuania, but not to Latvia. Latvia, having a large deficit in energy
demand, is not going to join the Lithuanian brothers and not allow Belarusian
electricity into its market. Moreover, it is likely that Latvians will sell
Belarusian electricity to Lithuania through the Baltic Electricity Exchange.
Thus, Lithuanian sanctions on Belarusian energy have become "theoretically
there, practically do not work".
It is likely that
even if Belaruskalij's transit of fertilizers is banned through the port of
Klaipėda, it will be diverted through Latvian or Estonian ports.
It will turn
out that Lithuania will deliberately give up Belarusian income for transit,
because it is necessary to teach Lukashenko, but the income will be taken by
the neighbors and there will be no lessons here.
Probably the right
move is to stop and think. We need to look at the situation soberly. Not like
that, as we want it to be, but as it really is. Mr Lukashenko will not go away
any time soon. His skills in maintaining power are mastered to the fullest.
The suspension of
the transit of Belaruskalij fertilizers through Lithuania is not a blow to A.
Lukashenko, but a shot in our own leg. We can use the transit money to build the
same physical border between Lithuania and Belarus, and not to support the
budget of fraternal Latvia.
The situation with
the transit of Belaruskalij fertilizers through Lithuania is a good time to ask
ourselves two essential questions: a) what we want from Belarus and b) whether
we have enough power and resources to make our desire a reality.
The answer to the
first question would be: we want a democratic and friendly Belarus for
Lithuania. The answer to the second question is that Lithuania does not have
sufficient power and resources to eliminate Mr. Lukashenko. Even
worse, even foreign allies with whom this wish could be fulfilled in a joint
coalition cannot be found.
So we need to go
back and rethink the answer to the question of what we want from Belarus. Mr
Lukashenko has been in power in Belarus since 1994. If in the past Vilnius and
Minsk had somehow found a way to live together for both sides, everything had
changed after the 2020 rigged presidential elections in Belarus.
It was then
officially announced that after collecting 82 percent of votes Mr. Lukashenko is reelected. The country's
long-standing authoritarian leader, Lukashenko, won the presidential election
in Belarus. Disagreeing with the election results, the opposition has launched
mass protests in Belarus. In response, the authorities repressed.
In mid-August
2020, special-purpose militia forces loyal to Mr Lukashenko, which had become
dead in the streets of Minsk, captured, arrested and tortured protesters.
Nevertheless, the number of people on the streets was increasing.
Finally, on
Sunday, August 16, tens of thousands of Belarusian opposition supporters
gathered in Minsk for a "March for Freedom." The militia left. It
seemed a little longer and Mr Lukashenko's regime would collapse. The end of
the dictatorship near Lithuania will come.
The absolute
majority of Lithuanian politicians at the time, who in unconditionally
supported the protesters in corpore, thought so. Svetlana Tichanovskaya, who
was considered the opposition's favorite in the elections, left for Lithuania,
where she was granted the status of an official guest of the state. In support
of Belarusians fighting against electoral fraud and militia violence,
Lithuanian public figures organized a chain of people from Vilnius to the
Belarusian border on August 23, the day of the Baltic Way.
Despite
everything, Lukashenko regrouped. The militia returned to the streets. The
protesters were neutralized, and the dictator held his post. We are left standing by Vilnius lonely.
Moreover,
Lukashenko began to take revenge. In May of this year, the Lukashenko regime
took over and landed in Minsk a plane flying from Athens to Vilnius to arrest
Roman Protasevičius, a Belarusian opposition activist and blogger who founded
the Nexta information channel. It is rumored that Belarusian special services
have even undertaken to physically liquidate Belarusian oppositionists living
abroad.
Opponents who
reveal the personal data of Lukashenko's favorites from power structures are
most persecuted. It becomes publicly known who the favorites are where they live. Minsk also launched a hybrid attack with illegal migrants against Lithuania
and later Poland.
Lithuania also did
not remain in debt. Vilnius has successfully formed coalitions at the
international level, so various economic sanctions have been imposed on
Lukashenko's supporters. The problem is that once you stand on the path of
confrontation, no one wants to stray from it anymore."
So Lithuania's rulers started searching for the possibilities to do more harm to Lithuania trying to make Lukashenko laugh.
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