"The Group of 20 summit in Rome last weekend was highly unusual. Unlike most global gabfests, it actually mattered -- not because the sterile G-20 format and the anodyne communiques it predictably generated meant or accomplished anything of significance. It mattered because the U.S. and the European Union, sidestepping the G-20 process, unveiled a tentative trade agreement that significantly sharpens the competition with China, and because five G-20 heads of government (China, Japan, Mexico, Russia and South Africa) were absent, highlighting the declining importance of these ritualized displays of international comity.
The most important news out of Rome had nothing to do with the G-20. The temporary trade deal announced by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and President Biden does more than put some of the Trump-era steel and aluminum tariffs and retaliatory measures on ice. It lays out a new approach to world trade that, if it takes hold, could usher in the most consequential changes to the international trade regime in half a century or more.
At one level, the deal represents a clever compromise. Instead of fighting each other over steel, the U.S. and the EU agree to turn their mutual fire on China. The EU gets 4.4 million tons of duty-free steel exports to the U.S. for the next two years and 3.3 million tons after that. The U.S. gets EU cooperation against the Chinese steel industry and forestalls EU retaliation against U.S. tariffs that the EU argues are illegal under World Trade Organization rules.
For the Biden administration, the deal is a significant victory. It strengthens the kind of economic trans-Atlantic cooperation against China that the administration wants. It employs the leverage that President Trump's unconventional tariff policies produced while reducing the trans-Atlantic tensions Mr. Trump caused. And it simultaneously pleases two of the constituencies the administration cares most about: organized labor and climate activists.
For labor, the steel agreement can be packaged as "foreign policy for the middle class," limiting low-wage competition from China and protecting American jobs. For climate activists, the promise to work with EU regulators to address producers of "carbon intensive" steel points toward a new era of international trade policy that uses tariffs and quotas to punish big greenhouse-gas emitters.
As Mr. Biden said in his joint press appearance with Ms. von der Leyen, the agreement will limit access to U.S. markets for "dirty steel from countries like China" and "counter countries that dumped steel in our markets, hammering our workers."
To make matters more interesting still, EU Trade Commissioner Valdis Dombrovskis announced that the U.S. and the EU will invite "like-minded economies to join this arrangement." This points to a fundamental restructuring of the WTO trade regime, linking market access to goods produced in accordance with various labor, environmental and financial standards yet to be determined. Insulating trade from political considerations was a defining feature of the WTO system. If the EU and the U.S. are now moving away from this approach both to contain China and to address climate change, decoupling between China and the rest of the world will accelerate dramatically, and the goal of frictionless free trade once envisioned by the founders of the WTO will look increasingly utopian." [1]
1. The U.S. and EU Shake Up Global Trade
Walter Russell Mead. Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y. [New York, N.Y]. 02 Nov 2021: A.15.