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2023 m. spalio 5 d., ketvirtadienis

How to Use Low Prices to Beat the Shit Out of Your Competition: China's BYD Became Tesla's Biggest Threat --- Once a maker of cellphone batteries, the company is in the running to become the world's No. 1 seller of electric vehicles.

"A few years ago, the founder of Chinese automaker BYD was worried it might not survive. Now, the company is nipping at the heels of Tesla as the world's No. 1 seller of electric vehicles.

BYD, short for Build Your Dreams, sold 431,603 fully electric cars in the third quarter, just shy of Tesla's 435,059. It's on track to sell around 1.8 million EVs by year-end. That would tie it with Tesla, which has set the same EV sales target for this year, up from 1.31 million it sold in 2022.

BYD, founded in 1995 as a battery maker, has rocketed up the ranks in just the past few years. The company, which also sells hybrid gasoline-electric cars, plans to sell 3.6 million total vehicles this year, likely putting it in the global top 10 automakers by unit sales. It has surpassed Volkswagen as the bestselling car brand in China, and is growing into an export powerhouse.

The leaps are a testament to the ambition of two executives. Founder Wang Chuanfu, 57, born to rice-farmer parents, was orphaned as a child and became an expert battery engineer. His longtime partner, Stella Li, 53, helped sell Warren Buffett's Berkshire Hathaway on the idea that an obscure Chinese company could grow into a global auto giant.

Wang, widely known in China, is a merciless cost-cutter who still flies economy and wheels his own suitcase. Li, who keeps a lower profile, is responsible for overseas business and sales and has negotiated a number of the biggest deals that have helped put BYD on the map. People who know the two describe them as "Mr. Inside" and "Ms. Outside," with Wang focusing on making the products and Li on selling the company to business partners.

Executives at BYD said it is common knowledge within the company that Wang and Li are a couple, and one person who met Wang and Li said they were introduced as husband and wife, an aspect of their relationship that hasn't been reported in international media.

A BYD spokesperson said BYD values teamwork as the company puts emphasis on technological development and building a system, and not on individuals, without commenting on Wang and Li.

BYD's rise echoes the story of many Chinese companies, and Korean and Japanese ones before them. BYD started by copying Toyota products, then grew so proficient at cutting costs that Toyota's then-Chief Executive Akio Toyoda visited to learn its secrets. Chinese officials poured in subsidies and bought BYD vehicles for government fleets, while stimulating the broader EV market with help for buyers.

More recently, BYD has moved aggressively into Europe and Southeast Asia, making inroads by exporting cost-competitive, China-made EVs.

BYD aims to roughly double its export sales to 400,000 vehicles next year. Outside of China, it's already a top EV seller in markets including Australia, Sweden, Thailand and Israel.

At an auto show in Munich last month, executives from rivals flocked to BYD's booth, and attendees booked slots to drive its vehicles days in advance. BYD's main export model, the Atto 3, is marketed in Europe as an "accessible premium" vehicle at around $40,000.

As it shifts its focus onto exports, U.S. and European policy makers, worried about BYD and other low-cost competition from China, are trying to build up their domestic industries.

European automakers are growing more vocal about BYD and its Chinese peers as a potential threat. The EU is investigating whether Chinese automakers benefited unfairly from government help.

In North America, BYD has become one of the largest electric bus and truck makers, seeing that segment as an easier entry point than passenger vehicles amid potential backlash from regulators and U.S. rivals.

U.S.-China relations are so tense that BYD executives said the U.S. consumer car market is effectively off-limits for now.

Expansion beyond China is essential for the company, however. China's economy is slowing -- overall passenger-car sales there have fallen from their peak in 2017 -- and domestic competition is intensifying.

Wang, born in 1966 in Anhui province, was raised by older siblings after both his parents died. He made it to a national public university where he studied physical chemistry, and later researched batteries at a state institute.

He founded BYD in 1995 to make the batteries used in cellphones and other devices -- copying the products of Japanese leaders Sanyo and Sony, said people at BYD.

In Shenzhen, after borrowing some $300,000 from a wealthy cousin, Wang hired more than 1,000 workers and broke down battery manufacturing into hundreds of steps that relatively untrained workers could manage without expensive equipment, said people at the company. A Harvard Business School case study recounted how removing a piece of tape from a battery took two BYD employees -- one to peel up the corner and another to remove the whole strip. The goal was speed, and to avoid the need for expensive machinery.

Stella Li, a statistician from one of China's top universities, arrived in 1996. Though her English was still rudimentary, Wang sent her to Europe and the U.S. to scout for mobile phone companies that might be interested in Chinese batteries that were cheaper than those from the leading Japanese suppliers. Li made clear BYD would work to meet customers' pricing and timeline demands. One customer joked with people at BYD that the first English phrase Li learned must have been, "We can do that," a BYD executive said.

Li brought on Motorola as a customer in 2000 and Nokia in 2002, securing BYD a place among the world's top rechargeable-battery makers.

When BYD listed its shares in Hong Kong in 2002, Wang used some money from the offering to buy the failing car-manufacturing operations of a state-owned weapons maker. He was already making batteries and saw the potential for their use in autos. Toyota had pioneered hybrid gasoline-electric vehicles with its Prius in the late 1990s.

BYD's first car, a gasoline-powered sedan released in 2005 called the F3, looked almost identical to a Toyota Corolla. To an untrained eye, the only difference between the cars was the badge.

Wang was never shy about his strategy of copying. In interviews, he said BYD gained inspiration from others' finished products, and that it specialized in digging through cars to find which parts were patented -- avoiding those and copying others.

"We have to learn from them, then we can stand on their shoulders," he said in an interview in 2021.

BYD values intellectual property, respects its peers as well as rules of the market, and didn't imitate Sony or Sanyo, the spokesperson said.

In the auto business, Wang replicated the way he made batteries to keep costs down. He avoided expensive investments in automation and hired thousands of workers to handle simple processes. He brought in employees on short-term contracts, replacing them to avoid wage increases.

BYD moved production in-house for nearly all components, from chassis to lamps and eventually semiconductors. From its early years, Wang was determined to have BYD make the most important and expensive parts of its cars, including batteries, on its own.

As a result, he was able to sell the F3, the gasoline-engine car, for as little as $8,000, or about half the cost of a Toyota Corolla at the time.

Warren Buffett and his team were among the few Americans who noticed. In 2008, David Sokol, a Buffett lieutenant at the time, traveled to Shenzhen to check out BYD.

Li pitched Sokol on the competitiveness of BYD's batteries and its diverse portfolio of products, which included a prototype of a plug-in hybrid vehicle BYD would launch in China later that year.

In September that year, Berkshire Hathaway bought a 10% stake in BYD for $232 million via its energy unit then run by Sokol, who has since left Berkshire.

Three months later, BYD launched the world's first mass-produced plug-in hybrid, jumping ahead of planned launches of similar vehicles by General Motors and Toyota.

By the end of 2009, BYD's share price had more than quintupled, and Berkshire's position was worth more than $1 billion. Wang had become the richest person in China, according to a Forbes ranking from the time.

BYD's first plug-in hybrid was sold to a limited number of government agencies and corporations in China. The following year, BYD began manufacturing its first all-electric car.

The Chinese government, which was telling domestic automakers to focus more on EVs, rolled out subsidies, tax breaks and relief from car-registration red tape to buyers of battery-powered cars. By the mid-2010s, BYD was introducing hybrid vehicles that were significantly cheaper than comparable models from incumbent hybrid leader Toyota.

By the late 2010s, other Chinese EV startups were piling into the market. And in 2019, Tesla began delivering cars produced at its new plant in Shanghai. These could be sold at much lower prices in China than previous Tesla models because it no longer had to pay import tariffs. By the first half of 2020, about a fifth of EVs sold in China were Teslas, up from around 6% a year earlier.

BYD competes on price with Tesla -- the Chinese maker has in recent years produced a range of autos that have the luxurious touches of higher-end vehicles.

But BYD struggled to compete on range with the lower-cost competitors. It produced a batch of longer-driving cars that used a new, more powerful type of battery, but production was suspended after early reports emerged of the batteries catching fire.

In 2019, BYD sold 21% fewer vehicles than it had in the previous year amid the new competition, a slowing economy and lower state subsidies for electric and hybrid vehicle purchases. Earnings in 2019 dropped by almost half.

A new battery gave it fresh life in 2020. Called the Blade, the battery was one of a number of technologies Wang and his team of engineers had spent years investing in to find a safer battery that could power cars over greater distances.

The long, flat battery maximized power output in a limited space. It made its debut in BYD's Han electric sedan, which the company says can drive 375 miles on a single charge. The car costs around $30,000, or about $40,000 less than a Tesla Model S with a similar range.

By the second half of 2020, BYD couldn't keep up with demand and launched new models using the Blade battery. It outmaneuvered local EV upstarts NIO and XPeng because it had a portfolio of vehicles covering a variety of segments and prices.

BYD global sales more than quadrupled from 2020 to 2022. It is China's top seller in new-energy vehicles -- full EVs and plug-in hybrids -- which now account for nearly one-third of Chinese new vehicle sales. BYD discontinued its gasoline-only vehicles last year.

BYD executives said the company sees commercial vehicles as a way to establish a presence overseas without challenging local manufacturers in the larger, more sensitive passenger-car segment. It plans to introduce new commercial-vehicle models including electric trucks in a number of overseas markets over the next three years, part of a more than $20 billion push, The Wall Street Journal reported earlier this year.

Li has been laying the groundwork for BYD's expansion. Under her guidance, BYD has made deals to supply electric buses to fleet operators in a number of countries including the U.S., U.K. and Japan over the past decade.

BYD continues to draw on low-wage workers to keep its costs low. Some of BYD's lowest-level factory-floor workers said they are paid less than around $750 a month, compared with the roughly $1,000 a month they could earn at Tesla's Shanghai plant.

Factory wages have risen 122% in China over the past decade, and that has led some manufacturers to search elsewhere for cheaper labor. BYD has adjusted by leaning less heavily on people-centered manufacturing methods. Factories BYD has built more recently cost more and have much higher levels of automation, people at the company said.

The investment bank UBS estimates BYD has a cost advantage of around 25% over traditional automakers in North America and Europe, due in large part to its in-house manufacturing of parts. Analysts at UBS recently tore down a 2022 BYD model and found around three-quarters of its parts were manufactured in-house." [1]

1. How China's BYD Became Tesla's Biggest Threat --- Once a maker of cellphone batteries, the company is in the running to become the world's No. 1 seller of electric vehicles. Davis, River; Cheng, Selina. Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 05 Oct 2023: A.1.  

Žydai ir žodžio laisvė

   „Žodžio laisvės teorija „viskas tinka“, kritikuojama teisėjo Samuelio Alito („Teisingumo Alito pirmoji pataisa“, kurią pateikė Jamesas Taranto ir Davidas Rivkinas jaunesnysis, oped, spalio 2 d.), pastaruoju metu sukėlė dar vieną papiktinusį žydus rezultatą. Protestuotojai šeštadienio rytais, vykstant šabo pamaldoms, susirinko prie Ann Arbor, Mich., JAV sinagogos, kad iškabintų žydų tautą ir Izraelį pasmerkiančius ženklus. Iškabose buvo rašoma: „Žydų valdžia korumpuoja“, „Nustok finansuoti Izraelį“ ir „Pabaikite palestiniečių holokaustą“.

 

     Du maldininkai JAV federaliniame teisme iškėlė civilinių teisių ieškinį, siekdami uždrausti protestuotojams stovėti 1000 pėdų atstumu nuo sinagogos. JAV šeštosios apygardos apeliacinis teismas nurodė ieškinį atmesti, nes net tyčinis priekabiavimas ir trukdymas žydams patekti į pamaldas buvo konstituciškai apsaugota žodžio laisvė, susijusi su „Amerikos ir Izraelio santykiais“.

 

     Buvo paprašyta JAV Aukščiausiojo Teismo peržiūros ir ji buvo atmesta, o teisėjai net neprašė protestuotojų atsakyti į peticiją. Tada protestuotojai pareikalavo, kad ieškovai atlygintų jų advokatų išlaidas iki 158 721,75 JAV dolerių. Šeštoji apygarda patvirtino šią nuobaudą, nustačiusi, kad ieškovai pateikė „nerimtą“ ieškinį. Savo atidarymo dieną Aukščiausiasis Teismas vėl atmetė maldininkų poziciją, net neįpareigodamas protestuotojų ginti žemesnės instancijos teismo sprendimą.

     Natanas Lewinas

     Potomakas, Md.

     P. Lewin atstovavo vieną iš Ann Arbor ieškovų, prašydamas Aukščiausiojo Teismo peržiūros.“ [1]

 

1. The Unjust Result of 'Anything Goes' Speech. Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 05 Oct 2023: A.16.

Jews and Free Speech


"The "anything goes" theory of free speech, critiqued by Justice Samuel Alito ("Justice Alito's First Amendment" by James Taranto and David Rivkin Jr., op-ed, Oct. 2), has lately produced another outrageous for a Jew result. Protesters gathered around an Ann Arbor, Mich., synagogue on Saturday mornings, as Sabbath services were being held, to display signs that condemned the Jewish people and Israel. The signs said: "Jewish Power Corrupts," "Stop Funding Israel" and "End the Palestinian Holocaust."

Two worshipers brought a civil-rights lawsuit in federal court to prohibit the protesters from standing within 1,000 feet of the synagogue. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit directed that the lawsuit be dismissed because even deliberate harassment and interference with Jews' access to worship was constitutionally protected free speech concerning "American-Israeli relations."

Supreme Court review was requested and denied, with no justice even asking the protesters to respond to the petition. The protesters then demanded that the plaintiffs reimburse their lawyers' fees to the tune of $158,721.75. The Sixth Circuit approved this penalty, finding that the plaintiffs had filed a "frivolous" claim. On its opening day, the Supreme Court again rejected the worshipers' position without even ordering the protesters to defend the decision of the lower court.

Nathan Lewin

Potomac, Md.

Mr. Lewin represented one of the Ann Arbor plaintiffs in seeking Supreme Court review."" [1]

1. The Unjust Result of 'Anything Goes' Speech. Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 05 Oct 2023: A.16.

 

2023 m. spalio 4 d., trečiadienis

The billions of euros necessary to pay the striking teachers and revive Lithuanian talents from slumber are urgently shared by Lithuanian generals and others who have access to the inflated national defense golden spoon distribution cauldron

"While several thousand teachers, who have let their students roam the fields, are on strike and are naming their demands through the lips of trade union leaders, politicians who have become the "horses" of polemics are pointing fingers at each other, looking for the ones to blame for the situation. But almost everyone forgets to look in the mirror - a stone can be thrown at everyone the garden of the parties that were in power, because there was no fundamental reform of the education system, teachers were only fed promises of a bright future for years.

 

The initial demands of the trade union of Lithuanian education workers, which announced the strike, were quite impressive: to increase salaries by 56%, to reduce contact hours from 24 to 18. Among other things, they also demanded a reduction in the number of students in classes.

 

Yesterday, Gintautas Jakštas, the Minister of Education, Science and Sports, said after the negotiations that now the trade union has changed the demand for a 56% wage increase to a 46% indicator, and the proposal to reduce the workload from 24 to 20.

 

However, according to him, a comprehensive approach was never received from the trade union. Negotiations are scheduled to continue today. Only the minister warns: there is no way to satisfy all demands.

 

Illustration in numbers: next year's budget should provide 1 billion EUR funds. Also, next year, additional 6,000 teachers, 2 billion EUR for the construction of schools: because, reducing classes, it is necessary to expand school premises or build new ones.

 

Prime Minister Ingrida Šimonytė reminds that education already has a privileged position in the country's budgets.

 

"And it must be said very frankly that this is happening at the expense of other sectors. Then social security or health simply suffer, which bear a proportionally higher burden of education funding being in line with the European Union average. This means that according to our capabilities, according to our budget, according to the amount of taxes we agree to pay, we allocate a proportionally larger part to education," she told LRT radio on Tuesday, adding: "I always understand that there is a desire for more, better, stronger , but there is never an answer at whose expense."

 

According to the Prime Minister, during the term of this Government, the wage fund, after estimating 2024 plan, will increase by 80%. "This is a huge amount of money, which will be used specifically for the additional payment of pedagogues, scientists and teachers," said the Prime Minister.

 

The government proposes to raise salaries for teachers next year in two stages: from January - 10%, and from September - until the average salary of a teacher reaches 130% of the national average salary.

 

Politicians of all shades rushed to take advantage of the teachers' strike as a trump card in the run-up to the elections. Unsurprisingly, the loudest voices of displeasure come from the opposition parties. Here, for example, is the "discovery" of Artūras Paulauskas, chairman of the "Freedom and Justice" party: "There is a shortage of teachers, the workload is enormous, young people do not choose the teaching profession not only because of low salaries, but also because of the complete chaos created by the Government itself with its "eternal reforms ".

 

Vilija Blinkevičiūtė, the chairperson of the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party, is not far behind, calling the trade union's demands to the Government normal. Because she thinks, "this government is not implementing its government program, where it had set a noble mission - to create such educational conditions in the field of education, so that quality education is available to everyone. In fact, education union members reiterated that until they said that a strike would be a last resort because there was no dialogue, no agreement, no pay, no teachers, no classes, they were simply not heard." Such concern was expressed by a long-time member of the European Parliament.

 

After the start of the teachers' strike, the Seimas Democratic faction "On behalf of Lietuvos" registered a draft resolution, the authors of which call for an urgent agreement on the implementation of, according to them, the legitimate and reasonable demands of the striking education workers and to prepare a resource-based implementation plan. The authors of the resolution include former prime ministers Saulius Skvernelis, Algirdas Butkevičius, etc.

 

Without questioning the validity of the educators' demands or the conventional arithmetic, several questions arise. First of all, have all those critics, now suddenly "understanding", "hearing" and "supporting" educators, at least looked in the mirror? That is, did the ruling social democrats, "peasants" and all kinds of "freedom/justice" representatives, and the conservatives themselves, do anything to advance the education reform at least a little? It's cheap now just to cheat and grab cheap election points.

 

There were many languages and visions in a dozen years, and the education system continued to languish. Apparently, it is such a simple truth that many things start from the school desk, i.e.  from an educated citizen, was bypassed. The attractiveness of the teaching profession is getting less strong. Well, this was largely determined by the government's attitude towards this truly prestigious profession.

 

One of the three ideas of the "Idea Lietuvai" initiative announced by the media and state leaders 5 years ago was as follows: the teaching profession by 2025. must become prestigious. But it remained a slogan: both in large cities and in the regions there is a struggle for teachers, who are in short supply.

 

Raimundas Kuodis, economist, then deputy chairman of the board of the Bank of Lithuania, explained some time ago: "We have to admit that for more than 10 years the funding of the education system has not been adequate. This led to the fact that the best students were not chosen to teach. In the same Finland, South Korea, and other countries, people who graduated from general universities and graduated from them well become teachers. The most talented students from universities go to become teachers (...) However, there is a perfect Lithuanian way of training teachers: people who do not enter prestigious specialties, then go to a pedagogical university." According to the economist, "they teach our children for a salary, which is often lower than average wages". He reminds: according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, a teacher should earn 30-50% more than the national average.

 

This would be an incentive for those who studied well in general universities to choose teaching.

 

Looking at the salary dynamics of employees of educational institutions since 2008, it can be seen that the average gross salary of teachers and the Lithuanian average went almost hand in hand - it is true, at the beginning of that year it was even lower and reached EUR 609. Later, it rose by ten or several tens of euros, but it did not escape far from the national average. In the second quarter of this year, the average gross salary of teachers was EUR 2,210, the national average was EUR 2,000.

 

Will significantly increasing teachers' salaries make their profession more prestigious? Will it attract talented university graduates to schools? It may be so, at least it is clear that receiving an adequate salary can make a person feel a lot more dignified, realizing that his hard work is really appreciated.

 

A lot of money is needed for much higher salaries, but where to get it from, none of the critic groups really take the initiative to advise. Just like if you stir the pot, you won't multiply its contents. Redistribute the cake - take from some and give to others? Raise taxes? Still more borrowing? Such proposals would probably be tantamount to shooting yourself in the foot, especially as the elections are approaching. So it remains only to criticize. Without seeing a log in own eye.

 

For now, one thing is clear - we have something that has been brewing for a very long time. In VŽ's opinion, all parties should take the blame for this, especially those who, after sitting in the seats of power, found rather full pockets of government money and scooped them up with generous handfuls. More often - for themselves.

 

The promised education reforms have not been matured by any politicians, so the bubbles of the burst bubble of empty promises are now floating in the empty classrooms left by striking teachers."

 1. A good example is the story of the army commander. 


 


Milijardus eurų, būtinų sumokėti streikuojantiems mokytojams ir prikelti Lietuvos talentus iš apsnūdimo, skubiai dalinasi Lietuvos generolai [1] ir kiti, kas prieina prie išpūsto krašto apsaugos auksinių šaukštų dalybų katilo


"Kol keli tūkstančiai pedagogų, paleidę mokinius laigyti laukais, streikuoja ir profsąjungų lyderių lūpomis vardija savo reikalavimus, polemikos „arklius“ pasikinkę politikai bado vieni kitus pirštais, ieškodami kaltų dėl susiklosčiusios padėties. Tačiau kone visi pamiršta pažiūrėti į veidrodį – akmenėlį galima mesti į visų partijų, buvusių valdžioje, daržą, nes esminės švietimo sistemos reformos taip ir nebūta, mokytojai metų metais tik buvo maitinami šviesios ateities pažadais.

Pirminiai streiką paskelbusios Lietuvos švietimo darbuotojų profesinės sąjungos reikalavimai buvo gana įspūdingi: atlyginimus padidinti 56%, kontaktinių valandų mažinti nuo 24 iki 18. Be kita, reikalaujama ir mažinti klasėse esančių mokinių skaičių.

Vakar Gintautas Jakštas, švietimo, mokslo ir sporto ministras, po derybų sakė, kad dabar profesinė sąjunga reikalavimą dėl atlygio didinimo 56% pakeitė 46% rodikliu, o siūlymą dėl krūvio mažinimo nuo 24 iki 20-ies.

Tačiau, pasak jo, kompleksinio požiūrio iš profsąjungos taip ir nesulaukta. Derybas planuojama tęsti šiandien. Tik ministras perspėja: visų reikalavimų patenkinti nėra jokių galimybių.

Iliustracija skaičiais: kitų metų biudžete reikėtų numatyti 1 mlrd. Eur lėšų.Taip pat jau kitais metais reikėtų papildomų 6.000 mokytojų, 2 mlrd. Eur mokyklų statybai: mat, mažinant klases, reikia plėsti mokyklų patalpas ar statyti naujas.

Premjerė Ingrida Šimonytė primena, kad jau dabar švietimas šalies biudžetuose turi privilegijuotą padėtį.

„Ir reikia labai atvirai sakyti, kad tai vyksta kitų sektorių sąskaita. Tada tiesiog nukenčia socialinė apsauga ar sveikata, kurioms proporcingai tenka didesnė našta to, kad švietimo finansavimas atitinka Europos Sąjungos vidurkį. Tai reiškia, kad pagal savo galimybes, pagal savo biudžetą, pagal tai, kiek mokesčių sutinkame mokėti, mes švietimui skiriame proporcingai didesnę dalį“, – LRT radijui antradienį sakė ji ir pridūrė: „Aš visada suprantu, kad yra noro labiau, geriau, stipriau, bet niekad nėra atsakymo, kieno sąskaita.“

Anot ministrės pirmininkės, per šios Vyriausybės kadenciją darbo užmokesčio fondas, įvertinus 2024 m. planą, padidės 80%. „Tai yra didžiuliai pinigai, kurie bus skirti būtent pedagogų, mokslininkų ir dėstytojų papildomam darbo apmokėjimui“, – teigė premjerė.  

Vyriausybė siūlo algas mokytojams kitąmet kelti dviem etapais: nuo sausio – 10%, o nuo rugsėjo – tiek, kad vidutinė pedagogo alga pasiektų 130% vidutinio šalies darbo užmokesčio.

Pedagogų streiku kaip koziriu artėjant rinkimams suskubo pasinaudoti visų atspalvių politikai. Nenuostabu, kad garsiausiai nepasitenkinimą reiškia opozicijoje esančios partijos. Štai, pavyzdžiui, Artūro Paulausko, partijos „Laisvė ir teisingumas“ pirmininko, „atradimas“: „Pedagogų trūksta, krūviai milžiniški, jaunimas nesirenka pedagogo specialybės ne tik dėl mažų atlyginimų, bet ir dėl visiško chaoso, kurį sukuria pati Vyriausybė savo „amžinomis reformomis“.

Neatsilieka ir Vilija Blinkevičiūtė, Lietuvos socialdemokratų partijos pirmininkė, pavadinusi profsąjungos keliamus reikalavimus Vyriausybei normaliais.  Nes gi ji, „šioji Vyriausybė nevykdo savo Vyriausybės programos, kur buvo išsikėlusi kilnią misiją – švietimo srityje sukurti tokias ugdymo sąlygas, kad kokybiškas išsilavinimas būtų prieinamas kiekvienam. Tiesą sakant, švietimo srities profesinių sąjungų nariai dar kartą išsakė, kad iki kol jie nepasakė, kad streikas bus kraštutinė priemonė, kadangi nevyksta dialogas, nevykdomas susitarimas, nepakankamas atlyginimas, trūksta mokytojų, per didelės klasės,  jie iki tol tiesiog nebuvo girdimi“, – susirūpinimą dėstė ilgametė europarlamentarė.

Prasidėjus mokytojų streikui, Seimo Demokratų frakcija „Vardan Lietuvos” įregistravo rezoliucijos projektą, kurio autoriai ragina skubiai susitarti dėl, jų teigimu, teisėtų ir pagrįstų streikuojančių švietimo darbuotojų reikalavimų įgyvendinimo ir parengti ištekliais pagrįstą įgyvendinimo planą. Tarp rezoliucijos autorių yra ir buvę premjerai Saulius Skvernelis, Algirdas Butkevičius etc.

Nekvestionuojant pedagogų reikalavimų pagrįstumo ar įprastos aritmetikos, kyla keli klausimai. Pirmiausia, ar visi tie kritikai, dabar staiga „suprantantys“, „girdintys“ ir „remiantys“ pedagogus, bent pasižiūrėjo į veidrodį? Tai yra ar valdžioje buvę socialdemokratai, „valstiečiai“ bei visokie „laisvės/teisingumo“ atstovai, o ir patys konservatoriai ką nors padarė, kad švietimo reforma būtų bent kiek pajudėjusi į priekį? Bepigu dabar tik šūkaloti ir graibyti pigius rinkimų taškus.

Kalbų ir vizijų per keliolika metų būta daugybė, o švietimo sistema ir toliau merdėjo. Regis, tokia paprasta tiesa, kad daug kas prasideda nuo mokyklos suolo, t. y. nuo išsilavinusio piliečio, buvo apeinama šonais. Mokytojo profesijos patrauklumas blanko vis stipriau, tai nemaža dalimi lėmė ir valdžios požiūris į šią išties prestižinę turinčią būti profesiją.  

Prieš 5 metus žiniasklaidos ir valstybės vadovų paskelbtos iniciatyvos „Idėja Lietuvai“ viena iš trijų idėjų buvo tokia: mokytojo profesija iki 2025 m. turi tapti prestižinė. Tačiau tai liko lozungas: ir dideliuose miestuose, ir regionuose vyksta kova dėl mokytojų, kurių trūksta. 

Raimundas Kuodis, ekonomistas, tuometis Lietuvos banko valdybos pirmininko pavaduotojas, prieš kurį laiką aiškino: „Reikia pripažinti, kad daugiau kaip 10 metų švietimo sistemos finansavimas nebuvo adekvatus. Tai lėmė, kad mokyti nepasirinkdavo geriausi mokiniai. Toje pačioje Suomijoje, Pietų Korėjoje ir kitose šalyse į mokytojus eina žmonės, kurie baigė bendruosius universitetus ir baigė juos gerai. Gabiausi studentai iš universitetų eina į mokytojus (...) Tačiau yra tobulas lietuviškas mokytojų rengimo būdas: žmonės, kurie neįstoja į prestižines specialybes, eina po to į pedagoginį universitetą.“ Anot ekonomisto, „jie moko mūsų vaikus už algą, kuri dažnai yra mažesnė nei algų vidurkis“. Jis primena: remiantis Ekonominio bendradarbiavimo ir plėtros organizacija, mokytojas turėtų uždirbti 30–50% daugiau nei šalies vidurkis.

Tai esą būtų paskata gerai besimokiusiems bendruosiuose universitetuose pasirinkti mokymą.

Žvelgiant į švietimo įstaigų darbuotojų atlyginimų dinamiką nuo 2008 m., matyti, kad mokytojų vidutinis bruto darbo užmokestis ir Lietuvos vidurkis ėjo beveik koja kojon – tiesa, tų metų pradžioje jis buvo net mažesnis ir siekė 609 Eur. Vėliau kilo po keliolika ar keliasdešimt eurų, tačiau toli nuo šalies vidurkio taip ir nepabėgo. Šių metų antrąjį ketvirtį mokytojų vidutinis bruto darbo užmokestis siekė 2.210 Eur, šalies vidurkis – 2.000 Eur.

Ar gerokai padidinus atlyginimus mokytojams jų profesija taps prestižinė? Ar tai pritrauks į mokyklas gabius universitetų absolventus? Gali būti, kad taip, bent jau aišku, kad gaudamas adekvatų darbo užmokestį žmogus gali jaustis kur kas oriau, suvokdamas, kad jo nelengvas darbas išties vertinamas.

Pinigų gerokai didesniems atlyginimams reikia daug, tik iš kur jų paimti, realiai nesiima patarti nė vienas kritikuotojų būrelis. Kaip puodą bemaišytum, jo turinio nepadauginsi. Perraikyti pyragą – atimti iš vienų ir duoti kitiems? Didinti mokesčius? Dar skolintis? Panašūs siūlymai, ko gero, prilygtų šaudymui į savas kojas, juolab rinkimams artėjant. Tad belieka tik kritikuoti. Nematant rąsto savo akyse. 

Kol kas aišku viena – turime tai, kas brendo labai seniai. VŽ nuomone, kaltę dėl to turėtų prisiimti visos partijos, ypač tos, kurios atsisėdusios į valdžios krėslus rado gana pilnus valdiškų pinigų aruodus ir sėmė juos dosniomis rieškučiomis. Dažniau – saviems.

Žadėtos švietimo reformos nesubrandino nė vieni politikai, todėl sprogusio tuščių pažadų burbulo purslai dabar sklando tuščiose, streikuojančių mokytojų paliktose klasėse."

1. Geras pavyzdys - kariuomenės vado istorija.