"The moves come as Congress passed a
measure last week to try to rein in the proliferation of the hacking tools.
WASHINGTON — Senior lawmakers said
they would investigate the government’s purchase and use of powerful spyware
made by two Israeli hacking firms, as Congress passed a measure in recent days
to try to rein in the proliferation of the hacking tools.
Representative Adam Schiff, the
California Democrat who is chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, sent a letter last
week to the head of the Drug Enforcement Administration asking for detailed
information about the agency’s use of Graphite, a spyware tool produced by the
Israeli company Paragon.
“Such use could have potential
implications for U.S. national security, as well as run contrary to efforts to
deter the broad proliferation of powerful surveillance capabilities to
autocratic regimes and others who may misuse them,” Mr. Schiff wrote in the
letter.
Graphite, like the better-known
Israeli hacking tool Pegasus, can penetrate the mobile phones of its targets
and extract messages, videos, photos and other content. The New York Times revealed this month that the
D.E.A. was using Graphite in its foreign operations. The agency has said it
uses the tool legally and only outside the United States, but has not answered
questions about whether American citizens can be targeted with the hacking
tool.
Mr. Schiff asked Anne Milgram, the
D.E.A. administrator, to respond by Jan. 15 to questions submitted in a
classified addendum to the drug agency.
By then, Republicans will have taken
power in the House and Mr. Schiff will no longer be chairman of the committee.
But the committee’s efforts to curtail the spread of foreign spyware have been
bipartisan, so the changeover is unlikely to affect its agenda on this issue.
Countries around the world have
embraced commercial spyware for the new powers of surveillance it gives them.
The Israeli firm NSO held a near monopoly in the industry for nearly a decade —
selling Pegasus to Mexico, Saudi Arabia, India and other nations — but new
companies peddling other hacking tools have found success as demand has
exploded.
The omnibus spending bill that Congress passed last week
includes provisions that give the director of national intelligence power to
prohibit the intelligence community from purchasing foreign spyware, and
requires the director of national intelligence to submit to Congress each year
a “watch list” identifying foreign spyware firms that present a risk to
American intelligence agencies.
Separately, Senator Ron Wyden, an
Oregon Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee, is pressing the Federal
Bureau of Investigation for information about the bureau’s purchase and testing of NSO’s
Pegasus spyware. The Israeli firm’s hacking tools have been used by
autocratic and democratic governments to target journalists, dissidents and
human rights workers.
The Times reported last month that internal
F.B.I. documents showed that the bureau’s criminal division in 2021 drew up
guidelines for using Pegasus in criminal investigations — before the F.B.I.’s
senior leadership decided against using the spyware in operations.
In a letter last week
to Christopher Wray, the F.B.I.’s director, Mr. Wyden asked the bureau for
information about why it chose not to deploy Pegasus, and whether the bureau’s
lawyers made a determination that would preclude the F.B.I. from using Pegasus
or similar hacking tools.
“The American people have a right to
know the scale of the F.B.I.’s hacking activities and the rules that govern the
use of this controversial surveillance technique,” Mr. Wyden wrote.
A government legal brief related to
a Times Freedom of Information Act lawsuit against the F.B.I. stated that “just
because the F.B.I. ultimately decided not to deploy the tool in support of
criminal investigations does not mean it would not test, evaluate and
potentially deploy other similar tools for gaining access to encrypted
communications used by criminals.”
The Biden administration late last
year placed NSO and another Israeli hacking firm
on a Commerce Department blacklist — prohibiting American companies
from doing business with the two firms.
That move, as well as a decision by
Israel’s ministry of defense to reduce the number of countries to which
companies can potentially sell their hacking tools, has buffeted the Israeli
hacking industry, drying up investment in companies amid fears that they, too,
could land on the American blacklist. One senior Israeli military official
estimates that, soon, only six offensive tech firms will be left standing —
down from the 18 firms that had been operating in Israel before the NSO
blacklisting.
But now, Israel’s defense ministry
appears to be considering easing restrictions on companies to try to keep the
industry from collapsing, according to two Israeli military officials who spoke
on the condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive decision-making.
When asked whether Israel had made a
final decision about the easing of restrictions, a spokesman for the defense
ministry said that “the objective is to improve the monitoring of controlled
cyber exports and to create more precise instructions for controlled cyber
exporters, while reducing the risk of improper use of these systems and
providing effective tools to ensure compliance with the purchaser’s license
terms.”
The Israeli government requires all
hacking firms in the country to obtain an export license to sell spyware tools
to foreign governments. Some Israelis have tried to avoid these restrictions by
moving their businesses outside Israel.
One of them, the retired Israeli
general Tal Dilian, set up businesses in Greece and Cyprus, and his hacking
tool — Predator — is at the center of a widening scandal involving allegations
of spying by Greek government officials.
Israeli officials have publicly expressed frustration
that they are powerless to regulate the business of Israelis operating outside
the country. But after recent reports of Mr. Dilian’s growing
hacking empire, the Israeli defense ministry convened a meeting to explore if
any steps could be taken to better regulate the operations of Mr. Dilian and
others who work outside Israel. Among the options explored was whether an
investigation could be opened into Mr. Dilian or if other measures could be
taken against Israeli hackers who use expertise they gained in the Israeli
military to set up foreign companies beyond the government’s reach."
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