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2024 m. lapkričio 13 d., trečiadienis

How artificial intelligence and miRNA fit into today's science


"The scientific Nobel prizes have always, in their way, honoured human intelligence. This year, for the first time, the transformative potential of artificial intelligence (AI) has been recognised as well. That recognition began on Tuesday October 8th, when Sweden’s Royal Academy of Science awarded the physics prize to John Hopfield of Princeton University and Geoffrey Hinton of the University of Toronto for computer-science breakthroughs integral to the development of many of today’s most powerful AI models.

The next day, the developers of one such model also received the coveted call from Stockholm. Demis Hassabis and John Jumper from DeepMind, Google’s AI company, received one half of the chemistry prize for their development of AlphaFold, a program capable of predicting three-dimensional protein structure, a long-standing grand challenge in biochemistry. The prize’s other half went to David Baker, a biochemist at the University of Washington, for his computer-aided work designing new proteins.

The AI focus was not the only thing the announcements had in common. In both cases, the research being awarded would be seen by a stickler as being outside the remit of the prize-giving committees (AI research is computer science; protein research arguably counts as biology).

Boundary-pushing

Such flexibility is not unprecedented. In 1973, for example, three pioneering students of animal behaviour, who worked on honeybees, geese and sticklebacks, were shoehorned into the physiology category. The award to Drs Hinton and Hopfield, however, recognises achievements with more profound consequences.

Both researchers did their crucial work in the early 1980s, at a time when computer hardware was unable to take full advantage of it. Dr Hopfield was responsible for what has become known as the Hopfield network—a type of artificial neural network that behaves like a physical structure called a spin glass, which gave the academy a tenuous reason to call the field “physics”. Dr Hinton’s contribution was to use an algorithm known as backpropagation to train neural networks.

Artificial neural networks are computer programs based loosely on the way in which real, biological networks of nerve cells or neurons are believed to work. In particular, the strengths of the connections (known as weights) between “nodes” (the equivalent of neurons) in such networks are plastic. This plasticity grants a network the ability to process information differently in response to past performance; or, in other words, to learn. Hopfield networks, in which each node is connected to every other except itself, are particularly good at learning to extract patterns from sparse or noisy data.

Dr Hinton’s algorithm turbocharged neural networks’ learning ability by letting them work in three dimensions. Hopfield networks and their ilk are, in essence, two-dimensional. Though they actually exist only as simulations in software, they can be thought of as physical layers of nodes. Stack such layers on top of one another, though, and train them by tweaking the weights as signals move both backward and forward between the layers (ie, back-propagated as well as forward-propagated) and you have a much more sophisticated learning system.

Dr Hinton also, for good measure, tweaked Dr Hopfield’s networks using a branch of maths called statistical mechanics to create what are known as Boltzmann machines. (Statistical mechanics, which underlies modern understanding of the second law of thermodynamics, was invented by Ludwig Boltzmann, a near contemporary of Alfred Nobel.) Boltzmann machines can be used to create systems that learn in an unsupervised manner, spotting patterns in data without having to be explicitly taught.

It is, then, the activities of these two researchers which have made machine learning really sing. AI models can now not only learn, but create (or, for sceptics, reorganise and regurgitate in a most sophisticated manner). Such tools have thus gone from being able to perform highly specific tasks, such as recognising cancerous cells in pictures of tissue samples or streamlining mountains of particle-physics data, to anything from writing essays for lazy undergraduates to running robots.

Dr Hinton, whom the academy’s detectives tracked down to a hotel in California to deliver the glad tidings, and who gamely agreed to answer questions from the press, despite the time difference, seemed both worried and proud about his achievements. He fretted, as many in the field do, about how machine intelligence that outstripped the human variety would then go on to treat its creators. But he also mused that by assisting mental labour, AI might have as big an effect on society as the Industrial Revolution’s assistance of physical labour has had.

Such musings were timely. Not 24 hours later, the academy would recognise research conducted, with the help of AI models, on the structure of proteins.

Return to the fold

Proteins are the main chemical building blocks of life. They are made up of smaller molecules called amino acids, arranged in long chains which fold in highly complex and specific ways. A protein’s final folded form determines its biological function. In other words, to understand proteins—and, by extension, biology—one must understand their structure.

Dr Baker achieved such understanding through doing. In a landmark paper from 2003, he succeeded in designing a completely new protein. Using a computer program he had named Rosetta, he found an amino-acid sequence capable of folding in ways not seen in nature. Once the sequence was recreated in the lab and the protein formed, he determined its final structure using a technique called X-ray crystallography: it was a close match to what he had set out to make. Rosetta, now called Rosetta Commons, has subsequently become a software package used by protein chemists around the world, and computational protein design has assisted in everything from vaccine development to the detection of toxic chemicals.

Going the other way, and predicting a protein’s structure from its amino-acid sequence, is a problem that took even longer to crack. Given the near-limitless number of configurations into which a protein can fold—by some estimates, as many as 10300 for a single complex protein—even computers had limited success. DeepMind’s AlphaFold 1 and 2 (both artificial neural networks), made public in 2018 and 2020 respectively, were the first to even get close. AlphaFold 2 now has a database of more than 200m protein structure predictions, with a prediction accuracy approaching 90%.

Though Sir Demis and Dr Jumper have featured on various contender lists this year, many wondered if it was too soon for AlphaFold to be recognised. Yet it has already had real impact: DeepMind says that some 2m scientists already use it in their research. AlphaFold 3, released in May, goes beyond proteins to predict the structure of a host of other biomolecules, such as DNA, as well as small molecules that might function as drugs. It can also predict how different molecules with different structures fit together, such as how a virus’s spike protein might interact with antibodies and sugars found in the body.

By choosing, for the first time, to honour work performed with an AI model, the committee has opened the door for more such prizes in the future. That is just as well; AI has been seeping into all areas of science for some time now, as Dr Baker illustrated when he was phoned up during the committee’s press conference. He said that AlphaFold has inspired him to make generative-AI models that can design new proteins. “Our new AI methods are much more powerful,” he said.

Mega-important

The prize for physiology or medicine, for its part, eschewed any mention of AI. It was also immune to charges of genre-bending, continuing the academy’s trend of increasingly recognising the smallest advances at the molecular and cellular level—rather than work on physiology or organs—because it is on these microscopic scales that the most exciting scientific frontiers are to be found.

The joint winners were Victor Ambros at the University of Massachusetts Medical School and Gary Ruvkun at Massachusetts General Hospital for their discovery of micro-RNA (miRNA) and its role in “post-transcriptional gene regulation”. These are a class of small molecules composed of only 20 to 24 nucleotides (the A, C, G, U letters of the genome), and they play a key role in how cells work.

Inside the nucleus of every human cell is a full set of instructions—the genome—for creating a person. A key question in biology is how the same set of genes and instructions can lead to such different types of cells in the body, from muscle to liver cells by way of the neurons found in the brain. The answer is that not all the genes within a nucleus are translated into protein. Different types of cells follow their own developmental pathways by using only those genetic instructions relevant to their growth and development. The selection necessary for each cell type is controlled in part by the miRNA molecules discovered by Drs Ambros and Ruvkun.

They work primarily by binding to target parts of another molecule within cells, known as messenger RNA (mRNA)—which carries information from the DNA of the genome to the protein-making factories within cells. By interfering with mRNA molecules, miRNA can alter or prevent the production of proteins. Underscoring the growing importance of this area of molecular biology, mRNA was itself the subject of the Nobel prize last year.

Finding miRNAs, in 1993, paved the way to the understanding, today, that there are over a thousand of these small molecules within our cells. The discovery has had far-reaching implications in biology. Abnormal regulation by miRNA molecules can contribute to cancer and epilepsy. Mutations in genes that code for miRNA molecules have been found to cause conditions such as congenital hearing loss and are thought to be involved in the pathology of many eye disorders, such as cataracts, glaucoma and macular degeneration. The miRNA molecules are also thought to be important in numerous bone diseases, such as osteoporosis, osteosarcoma and bone metastasis.

Drs Ambros and Ruvkun—who worked at the same lab in the late 1980s at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology—discovered miRNA molecules using a key tool of biological inquiry: the roundworm Caenorhabditis elegans. They were studying two mutant strains of worms that had defects in the genes that dictated how the animals developed and worked. In doing so, the researchers showed that a gene called lin-4 produced an unusually short RNA molecule that did not code for any proteins and which seemed to inhibit the activity of another gene.

In awarding the prize, the Karolinska Institute’s Nobel committee noted that when the scientists published their results, they met an “almost deafening silence from the scientific community”. The unusual mechanism of gene regulation in C. elegans was assumed to be a peculiarity of that organism, not relevant to humans or other more complex organisms. That view eventually shifted, as it became clear that genes that encode for miRNAs were found throughout the animal kingdom.

Novo Nordisk, a Danish pharmaceutical giant, is one of the firms trying to make medicines using miRNAs. This year it acquired Cardior, a German firm, whose lead drug candidate, CDR132L, works by blocking a particular miRNA in the hope of helping patients with chronic heart failure and cardiac hypertrophy (thickening and stiffening of the walls of the heart).

This year’s prize highlights the continuing trend of recognising discoveries at the molecular level. Recently, several Nobel prizes have been awarded to technologies that have had obvious clinical applications, such as cancer immunotherapy (in 2018) and gene editing (in 2020). It is perhaps no surprise that, as the technology for molecular and genetic research has improved, scientists are gaining ever more insight into cellular function, and are therefore able to make more profound and useful discoveries with them.

Nobel pursuits

For the growing number of researchers around the world who rely on AI in their work, the lasting message of this year’s awards may be a different one: that they, too, could one day nab science’s most prestigious gongs. For his part, said Dr Jumper, “I hope...that we have opened the door to many incredible scientific breakthroughs with computation and AI to come.”" [1]

1.  Honouring intelligence. The Economist; London Vol. 453, Iss. 9418,  (Oct 12, 2024): 68, 69, 70.

Paskatų gelignitas


  „Jei turite kvailą paskatų sistemą, gausite kvailų rezultatų."

 

 Velionis Charlie Mungeris buvo be galo cituojamas, tačiau šis garsaus investuotojo šerdies perlas yra tas, kurį turėtų atsiminti kiekvienas vadovas.

 

 Galima rinktis iš daugybės kvailų pavyzdžių. Kai kurie yra apokrifiniai. Kiti – ne. Anksčiau gerai vertinamas Amerikos mažmeninis bankas „Wells Fargo“ buvo žinomas dėl skandalo po to, kai atviri kryžminio pardavimo tikslai paskatino jo darbuotojus atidaryti neteisėtas indėlių sąskaitas ir išduoti nepageidaujamas debeto korteles. Kvailos finansinės paskatos sveikatos priežiūros sistemose gali padėti paaiškinti viską – nuo ​​kadaise padidėjusio gimdymų po cezario pjūvio skaičiaus Irane iki apgailėtinai netinkamo dantų gydymo Didžiojoje Britanijoje.

 

 Bėda ta, kad ne visada lengva išsiaiškinti, kaip atrodo kvailas. 2017 m. atliktame tyrime, kurį paskelbė Davidas Atkinas iš Masačusetso technologijos instituto ir jo bendraautoriai, nustatyta, kad daugelis futbolo kamuolių gamintojų Sialkote (Pakistanas) keistai lėtai pradėjo taikyti naują technologiją, kuri sumažino gaminant iššvaistomą sintetinės odos kiekį. Priežastis? Darbuotojai, kuriems buvo atlyginta už kamuoliuką, nenorėjo naujų technikų mokymuisi leisti laiko, kurį kitu atveju būtų buvę galima panaudoti, kad užsidirbti pinigų. Teoriškai skatinimo už darbą pagal pagamintus vienetus schema visiškai tinka tokiai pasikartojančiai veiklai; praktiškai įmonė, kuri savo darbuotojams mokėjo už sarbo valandas, greitai perėmė naują technologiją.

 

 Keletas neseniai atliktų tyrimų pabrėžia riziką, kad paskatos turės nenumatytų pasekmių. Vienas iš Jakobo Altifiano ir Dirko Sliwkos iš Kelno universiteto ir Timo Vogelsango iš Frankfurto finansų ir vadybos mokyklos išbandė lankomumo premijos mokėjimo poveikį pravaikštų lygiui. Jie tai padarė, atsitiktinai paskirstydami darbuotojus iš Vokietijos mažmeninės prekybos į dvi grupes, kurios siūlydavo finansinį atlygį arba papildomas atostogas už nepriekaištingą lankomumo istoriją. Nė vienas atlygis nesumažino pravaikštų, o piniginė priemoka turėjo visiškai priešingą poveikį: iš tikrųjų ji padidino pravaikštų skaičių vidutiniškai 50 %.

 

 Norėdami išsiaiškinti, kas vyksta, tyrėjai apklausė darbuotojus, pasibaigus eksperimentui. Jie nustatė, kad premijos įvedimas pakeitė darbuotojų supratimą apie tai, kas laikoma priimtinu elgesiu. Žinutė, kad dalyvavimas reikalauja atlygio, privertė žmones jaustis mažiau įpareigoti atvykti ir mažiau jaustis kaltais, jei jie susirgo. Poveikis buvo ypač ryškus, neseniai priimtiems, darbuotojams, o didesnis pravaikštų skaičius išliko, net ir panaikinus priedą. Paskatos keisti socialines normas gali būti naudingos: buvo įrodyta, kad priemoka už lankomumą veikia tokiomis aplinkybėmis, kai plačiai paplitęs nedalyvavimas yra tikra problema. Bet atspirties taškas yra svarbus.

 

 Antrasis tyrimas, kurį atliko Luan Yingyue ir Kim Yeun Joon iš Kembridžo teisėjų verslo mokyklos, išbandė bendradarbiavimo padarymą oficialiu darbo reikalavimu. Į inžinierių, dirbančių chemijos pramonės įmonės Rytų Azijoje tyrimų ir plėtros (MTEP) centre, pareigybių aprašymus ir veiklos vertinimus buvo įtraukti lūkesčiai būti naudingais kolegoms. (Antrasis bendrovės tyrimų ir plėtros centras veikė, kaip kontrolė.)

 

 Paveiktų darbuotojų apklausos parodė, kad motyvacija padėti pasikeitė, kai tai tapo darbo dalimi – nuo ​​vidinio potraukio bendradarbiauti iki noro pasirodyti aukštesniems asmenims. Dėl to pasikeitė pagalbos, kurią žmonės siūlė savo kolegoms, tipas: dažniau pasitaikydavo naudingo elgesio atvejų, tačiau pagalbos, kurią žmonės iš tikrųjų teikė vieni kitiems, kokybė sumažėjo. „Kaip aš galiu padėti, jei nereikia per daug pastangų? yra labai vandeninga bendradarbiavimo forma.

 

 Šie pavyzdžiai patvirtina ir Mungerio aforizmo išmintį, ir tai, kad sunku numatyti, kaip veiks paskatos.

 

 Kvailas gali išryškėti, tik laikui bėgant, todėl būtinos bandomosios schemos ir griežti peržiūros procesai.

 

 Kaip naujoje knygoje „Darbuotojų pranašumas“ įtikinamai teigia Stephanas Meieris, Kolumbijos verslo mokyklos akademikas, žmones motyvuoja daug daugiau dalykų nei „pinigai“. Apdovanojimas žmonėms už tai, ką jie vis tiek darytų, gali lengvai atsirūgti. Kaip galėtų pasakyti Mungeris, į paskatas reikia žiūrėti, kaip į gelignitą – labai atsargiai.“ [1]

 

1. The gelignite of incentives. The Economist; London Vol. 453, Iss. 9418,  (Oct 12, 2024): 59.

The gelignite of incentives


“If you have a dumb incentive system, you get dumb outcomes.” 

The late Charlie Munger was endlessly quotable, but this pearl of pith from the famed investor is one that every manager should remember.

There are plenty of dumb examples to choose from. Some are apocryphal. Others are not. Wells Fargo, a previously well-regarded American retail bank, was notoriously embroiled in scandal after blunt cross-selling targets pushed its employees to open unauthorised deposit accounts and issue unwanted debit cards. Silly financial incentives in health-care systems can help explain everything from once-elevated rates of Caesarean-section births in Iran to woefully inadequate dental treatment in Britain.

The trouble is that it is not always easy to work out what dumb looks like. A study published in 2017 by David Atkin of the Massachusetts Institute for Technology and his co-authors found that many football manufacturers in Sialkot, Pakistan were oddly slow to adopt a new technology that reduced the amount of synthetic leather wasted during their production. The reason? Workers who were paid by the ball were not keen to spend time that could otherwise have been used to earn money on learning new techniques. In theory, a piece-work incentive scheme makes perfect sense for this kind of repetitive activity; in practice, it was the firm that paid their workers by the hour which quickly embraced the new technology.

A couple of recent studies underline the risk that incentives will have unintended consequences. One, from Jakob Altifian and Dirk Sliwka of the University of Cologne and Timo Vogelsang of the Frankfurt School of Finance and Management, tested the effect of paying an attendance bonus on levels of absenteeism. They did so by randomly assigning apprentice workers at a German retailer to two groups which offered a financial reward or some extra holiday, respectively, for a perfect attendance record. Neither reward reduced absenteeism, and the monetary bonus had precisely the opposite effect: it actually increased rates of absenteeism by 50% on average.

To work out what was going on the researchers surveyed employees after the experiment had ended. They found that the introduction of a bonus shifted workers’ perceptions of what counted as acceptable behaviour. The message that attendance warranted a reward made people feel less obliged to come in and less guilty if they threw a sickie. The effect was particularly pronounced for the most recently hired employees, and higher rates of absenteeism persisted even after the bonus had been removed. The power of incentives to change social norms can be helpful: an attendance bonus has been shown to work in circumstances where widespread absenteeism is a real problem. But the starting-point matters.

A second study, by Luan Yingyue and Kim Yeun Joon of the Cambridge Judge Business School, tested the effects of making co-operativeness a formal job requirement. Expectations of being helpful to colleagues were added to the job descriptions and performance appraisals of engineers working in a research-and-development (R&D) centre at a chemicals company in East Asia. (A second R&D centre in the company acted as a control.)

Surveys of affected employees found that the motivation to help changed once it was part of the job, from an intrinsic drive to be co-operative to a desire to show off to the higher-ups. The type of help that people offered their colleagues changed as a result: there were more frequent instances of helpful behaviour but the quality of assistance that people actually gave each other went down. “How can I help as long as it doesn’t involve too much effort?” is a very watery form of collaboration.

These examples confirm both the wisdom of Munger’s aphorism and the difficulty of anticipating how incentives will play out. 

Dumbness may become apparent only over time, so pilot schemes and rigorous review processes are essential. 

As Stephan Meier, an academic at Columbia Business School, argues persuasively in “The Employee Advantage”, a new book, people are motivated by many more things than moolah. Rewarding people for doing things they would anyway can easily backfire. As Munger might have said, incentives should be approached like gelignite—with enormous care." [1]

1. The gelignite of incentives. The Economist; London Vol. 453, Iss. 9418,  (Oct 12, 2024): 59.