"Beijing gave CATL lavish subsidies,
a captive market of buyers and soft regulatory treatment, helping it to control
a crucial technology of the future.
NINGDE, China — As the global
pandemic hit, the world’s biggest maker of electric car batteries, a Chinese
company now worth more than General Motors and Ford combined, suddenly faced
its own crisis.
A rival had released a video
suggesting that a technology used by the company, CATL, and other manufacturers
could cause car fires. Imitating a Chinese government safety test, the rival
had driven a nail through a battery cell, one of many in a typical electric car
battery. The cell exploded in a fireball.
Chinese officials took swift action
— by dropping the nail test, according to documents reviewed by The New York
Times. The new regulation, released two months later, listed who had drafted
it: First on the list, ahead of the government’s own vehicle testing agency,
was CATL.
The shift did not expose the world
to unsafe batteries — other countries do not require a nail test — but it
showed China’s commitment to nurturing a corporate champion with a strong and
growing sway over the future of driving. CATL has given China a commanding lead
in electric car batteries, a technology central to the broader green
revolution. The company already supplies batteries to almost all of the world’s
automakers, including G.M., Volkswagen, BMW and Tesla. CATL has emerged as one
of the biggest winners of the electric car boom, along with Tesla.
The battery giant stands as a
crucial link in a green-technology supply chain increasingly dominated by
China. Chinese companies, particularly CATL, have secured vast supplies of the
raw materials that go inside the batteries. That dominance has stirred fears in
Washington that Detroit could someday be rendered obsolete, and that Beijing
could control American driving in the 21st century the way that oil-producing
nations sometimes could in the 20th.
Chinese government officials made
sure CATL’s business stayed in Chinese hands. They created a captive market of
battery customers. And when CATL needed money, they doled it out.
“CATL definitely seems like it’s the
concept and creation of a master plan,” said Michael Dunne, a former G.M.
executive in Asia and now an analyst.
CATL isn’t government owned,
according to its filings, but investors with connections to Beijing have held
stakes during its rise, according to a Times analysis of its filings. So did a Chinese investment firm that counted Hunter
Biden, son of President Biden, as a board member and shareholder.
From Detroit to Milan to Wolfsburg,
Germany, auto executives who spent their careers trying to perfect pistons and
fuel-injection systems are now obsessing about how to compete with a nearly
invisible yet formidable industry giant.
“China’s problem with internal
combustion engines was they were forever playing the game of catch-up,” said
Bill Russo, a former chief of Chrysler in China who is now a Shanghai electric
car consultant. “Now, the United States has to play the game of catch-up with
electric vehicles.”
Emerging
From the Shadows
While Tesla and its garrulous
chairman, Elon Musk, have epitomized the electric car boom, CATL — its legal
name in English is Contemporary Amperex Technology Company Limited — has stayed
in the shadows.
Its founder and chairman, Robin
Zeng, is one of the wealthiest men in Asia, with a fortune of about $60 billion. Its
towering headquarters, shaped like an oversize lithium battery, and several of
its biggest factories are in his hometown, Ningde, a former fishing village and
military base in southeastern China. The municipal government has locked down
access to a wide array of documents, particularly from the early days of CATL.
Mr. Zeng, 53, has built a senior
management team of longtime employees, many of whom grew up in Ningde. For
gifts during holidays, CATL sends lychee and loquat fruit grown on Ningde’s
outskirts.
Xi Jinping, now China’s top leader,
was the local Communist Party chief in Ningde from 1988 to 1990, though he
shares no apparent connection with CATL.
After studying marine engineering at
a Shanghai university, Mr. Zeng went to work on battery chemistry for TDK, a
Japanese company, in China. In 1999, he joined fellow battery chemistry experts
who set up their own company supplying lithium-cobalt batteries for mobile
phones, camcorders and other portable consumer electronics. The team sold the
company to TDK in 2005 for $100 million and continued to run it as a
subsidiary.
The Chinese government, which has
long identified batteries as a strategic industry, in 2011 took one of several
steps to nurture a homegrown industry. It required that foreign automakers
that want to sell electric cars in China transfer crucial technology to a local
company. Only then would the government subsidize the sale of their autos,
which could amount to up to $19,300 for car buyers.
TDK allowed a group of Chinese
investors led by Mr. Zeng to acquire an 85 percent stake in its nascent
electric car battery business at the end of 2011. They called it CATL. BMW, its
first main customer, switched from A123, a battery supplier in Massachusetts
and Michigan.
Four years later, a different group
of Chinese investors bought the remaining 15 percent from TDK.
The financial terms of the sale
aren’t clear, but Mr. Zeng and his partners reaped a windfall. TDK now has a
market capitalization of $16 billion. CATL? Almost $240 billion.
TDK referred questions to CATL,
which, in turn, said only TDK could discuss how much had been paid.
Beijing’s
Helpful Hand
Beijing’s rules helped CATL emerge
as an independent company. Then, Beijing helped the company soar.
CATL’s batteries require ready
supplies of lithium and cobalt. Chinese firms have rushed to secure cobalt in places like the
Democratic Republic of Congo, where huge deposits were once mined by an American
company. This year, CATL acquired a quarter of the Kisanfu cobalt reserve, one of the world’s
richest, in Congo for $137.5 million.
Mr. Zeng has also secured raw materials
close to home.
Corporate records show that within a
year of setting up CATL, Mr. Zeng had started a subsidiary in western China’s
Qinghai Province. Qinghai had something that Mr. Zeng needed: dried-out salt
lake beds with thick underground brine laden with lithium. The government
wanted development in the country’s poorer western regions. CATL locked in
contracts for the most lithium-rich deposits, people familiar with the company
said.
The Chinese government helped. In
2015, it unveiled the Made in China 2025 plan, a guide to achieving
independence in major industries of the future, including electric cars, in a
decade.
Chinese policy banks, which lend to
government-endorsed projects that may be too risky for local banks, stepped in
to provide more than $100 million to CATL projects in Qinghai, documents show.
The provincial government of Qinghai offered roughly $33 million from 2015
through 2017, CATL filings showed. The Qinghai government did not respond to
requests for comment.
In a written reply to questions,
CATL said its investments “guarantee the stability of raw material supply, and
avoid sharp price fluctuations.”
CATL benefited greatly from the
government’s drive to get automakers in China to use only locally made
batteries.
The government soon said electric
car buyers could get subsidies only if the battery was made by a Chinese
company. G.M., which had not been notified of the rule, started shipping Buick
Velite electric cars in 2016 with batteries made in China by LG, a South Korean
company.
Angry consumers and dealers
complained that local officials were denying them subsidies, people familiar
with the episode said. G.M. switched heavily to CATL for the huge Chinese
market.
With subsidies and a protected home
market, CATL became extremely profitable. The auto industry considers after-tax
profit margins of at least 5 percent of sales a success. CATL’s margin last
year was 11.1 percent. Despite that profitability, the company continued to
collect government subsidies last year equal to a fifth of its net income.
The effort has also made China a
giant in electric car batteries. China has 14 times the electric car
battery-making capacity of the United States, according to Benchmark Mineral
Intelligence, a London consulting firm. It projects that China will keep the
lead even after an American buildup, including projects like the planned North
Carolina plant announced in early December by Toyota, and
would have seven times the United States’ capacity in four years.
Betting
on Batteries
CATL’s initial public offering in
2018 made Mr. Zeng and two CATL vice chairmen, who together own a 40 percent
stake, rich. Other early investors, some with deep political connections, did
well, too.
The company’s success was never
assured, but China had let the world know that it planned to dominate the
electric vehicle industry. It said in a sweeping announcement in 2016 that
a “third industrial revolution” focusing on digitization and “new energy” would
allow China to take the lead in autos.
CATL invited a few outside investors
to take pre-I.P.O. stakes. Among them were Pei Zhenhua, a businessman who set
up a lithium processing company with CATL, and Yu Yong, the biggest individual
shareholder in China Molybdenum, a CATL partner in Congo. Mr. Yu’s holding
company controls 1.69 percent of CATL, records show.
One investment fund, Guokai Boyu,
invested more than $100 million and held a 1.2 percent stake. Guokai Boyu is
controlled by a private equity firm co-founded by Alvin Jiang, a grandson of
Jiang Zemin, China’s former Communist Party chief. The fund didn’t respond to
requests for comment.
One of the fund’s partners in that
investment was an affiliate of a financial company called National Trust.
National Trust in the past teamed with the
family of Wen Jiabao, the former premier, in other investments. It was partly owned by one close
Wen family business associate and overseen by another. It isn’t
clear whether the Wen family had a financial stake in CATL. National Trust’s
phone rang unanswered, and the company didn’t respond to faxed questions.
An even earlier investor in CATL was
a Chinese private equity company connected to Hunter Biden, the American
president’s son.
The firm, known as BHR, bought a 0.4
percent stake in 2016, paying roughly $15 million. In 2019, when BHR applied to sell
the stake, it was valued at roughly $76 million.
Mr. Biden left BHR’s board in April
2020, according to Chinese corporate records, and no longer has any ownership
interest in BHR, Chris Clark, his lawyer, said.
It isn’t clear what, if anything,
Mr. Biden gained from the CATL deal, and Mr. Clark declined to comment further.
Another BHR board member — who, like Mr. Biden, controlled a 10 percent
stake in the firm — received a payout of about $230,000 from the deal, said the
board member, who asked not to be identified in order to discuss internal
business. Jonathan Li, BHR’s chief executive, didn’t respond to phone calls and
emailed questions.
When asked about the investments,
CATL referred to its I.P.O. prospectus, saying, “All investors acquired their
shares based on common rules for private equity fund-raising activities.”
Help
With a Fire
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