Settle for Maduro 2.0: Western attempts at nation building always end badly and with corruption of epic proportions

 

Western-led nation-building efforts have encountered significant challenges, frequently resulting in outcomes that fall short of initial goals and are often marked by political instability, violence, and corruption.

 

Historical examples often cited in this context include the US-led interventions in Vietnam, Iraq, Ukraine and Afghanistan.

 

Key factors contributing to these difficulties include:

 

    Deeply ingrained local contexts: External powers often struggle to fully understand and navigate complex local political, ethnic, and religious dynamics.

    Lack of local buy-in: Imposed institutions often lack legitimacy without strong support and participation from the local population.

    Ambitious timelines: Nation-building is inherently a long-term process, but external actors often operate under domestic political pressure to achieve quick results.

    Focus on military over governance: Significant resources are frequently dedicated to security operations, sometimes at the expense of building effective and accountable civil institutions.  That leads to endless war in each case with many casualties.

The issue remains a complex and controversial subject within international relations and development policy.

 

There are always warmongers that promote this suffering and waste inducing disaster:

 

“As Sunday dawned in Caracas and Washington, a new reality was also apparent a day after the U.S. snatched dictator Nicolas Maduro in a daring raid. To wit, the dictator's cronies are still running Venezuela, and they don't seem ready to give it up. Is President Trump willing to settle for Maduro 2.0?

 

Delcy Rodriguez, the former vice president, is now the acting president. Like Mr. Maduro, she's been sanctioned by the U.S. and European Union. After Mr. Maduro's capture Saturday, she issued defiant public remarks. She's a hard-line socialist well known for her close ties to Cuban intelligence.

 

Ms. Rodriguez's brother, Jorge Rodriguez, remains in charge of the National Assembly. Also still in power is the notorious interior minister, Diosdado Cabello. He declared in Caracas that the U.S. had only partially succeeded in its mission and that the Chavista revolution will continue.

 

Does this worry the Trump Administration? Not that it is showing. Mr. Trump boasted Saturday that Ms. Rodriguez will do what the U.S. wants, or else. He threatened a "second wave" of military intervention if she doesn't.

 

But Mr. Trump didn't say anything about holding new elections as a U.S. goal. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said Sunday that elections will need to be held eventually, though he didn't seem to think it's all that urgent. Mr. Rubio seemed confident that the U.S. embargo on Venezuelan oil exports will squeeze the regime enough that it will buckle to U.S. demands.

 

"We want drug trafficking to stop. We want no more gang members to come our way. We don't want to see the Iranian and, by the way, Cuban presence in the past. We want the oil industry in that country not to go to the benefit of pirates and adversaries of the United States, but for the benefit of the people," Mr. Rubio said on CBS's "Face the Nation."

 

Those are important goals, but Mr. Rubio's implication is that the Maduro apparat can stick around if they heed these demands.

 

This is a risky bet, especially since the regime's new leaders rely so much on aid from Cuba, Russia, China and Iran.

 

 It's unlikely these people will turn into pro-American democrats.

 

All the more so since the U.S. military left Venezuela at the end of the Maduro operation. Mr. Rubio said Sunday it was unrealistic to take more risks in the raid to decapitate more of the regime, which is fair enough.

 

But despite Mr. Trump's vow that the U.S. will "run the country," there is no one on the ground to do so. This may mollify MAGA critics who fear he is imitating George W. Bush's occupation of Iraq. But it reduces the U.S. ability to persuade the regime.

 

Much depends on whether the Maduro crowd fear a second U.S. military strike. Even more depends on whether the Trump Administration is willing to push for new elections. The U.S. needn't back any candidate. But a democratic government of the kind that won the 2024 election, only to have it stolen by Mr. Maduro, would be a more durable ally.

 

The Trump Administration talks about its foreign-policy "realism." But if Maduro 2.0 remains in defiant power in six months, its gamble on his henchmen won't look very realistic.” [1]

 

One can’t get fair elections without boots on the ground. Soldiers get shot and blown up if you are dealing with decisive people. You need even more soldiers. And so on endlessly. 

 

1. Don't Settle for Maduro 2.0. Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 05 Jan 2026: A14.

Generaliniai direktoriai pasakoja, kaip įveikė laiko juostų skirtumo sukeltą problemą

 

„Nesvarbu, ar vadovavimas įmonėms dirbtinio intelekto revoliucijos ar prekybos karų metu. Įveikti laiko juostų skirtumą yra lygiai taip pat rimtas reikalas, po pasaulį keliaujantiems, įmonių vadovams.

 

Praleidžiant tiek daug laiko ore, jie vargu ar gali sau to leisti, kad nekreiptų dėmesio.

 

Taigi „The Wall Street Journal“ kalbėjosi su keturiais lyderiais, kurie taiko tokią pačią drausmę ir problemų sprendimą, kaip ir vadovaudami savo įmonėms, kovodami su laiko juostų skirtumo sukeltu gudrybes.

 

Žinoma, šie vadovai dažniausiai skraido verslo klase – vienas iš jų, „United Airlines“ vadovas Scottas Kirby, gali turėti bet kurią norimą vietą – tačiau jie sako, kad daugelis jų metodų tinka ir tolimojo susisiekimo autobusų keleiviams.

 

Štai keletas jų išbandytų patarimų ir gudrybių:

 

Scottas Kirby, „United Airlines“ generalinis direktorius

 

Viskas prasideda nuo bilieto užsakymo: Kirby renkasi vėlesnius skrydžius, arčiau įprasto miegojimo laiko. Tačiau „net ir 6 ar 7 valandą vakaro galiu eiti miegoti“, – sakė jis.

 

Lėktuve: sėdynė atlenkiama, kai tik lėktuvas pakyla. Pamirškite vakarienės aptarnavimą skrydžio metu, – sakė jis. „Visus kartus, kai keliavau į Europą, nė karto nevalgiau“, – sakė jis. „Mano tikslas – negirdėti dundėjimo 10 000 pėdų aukštyje, nes jau miegu.“

 

Sunkiausia dalis: Kirby praleidžia melatoniną ir kitas migdomąsias priemones, tačiau vis tiek dažnai miega septynias valandas ilgų skrydžių metu. Tai daugiau nei dauguma keliautojų, ypač keliaujančių turistiniu autobusu, tačiau vis tiek mažiau nei įprastas 8 su puse valandos per naktį.

 

Nesustokite: jei jis keliavo į Europą, tikslas – išmiegoti iki vidurnakčio pirmąją naktį. Tačiau grįždamas namo jis įsiklauso į savo kūną. Pirmąją savaitę jis neplanuoja jokių vakarienių ir eina miegoti 17 val., jei yra priblokštas. „Grįžęs ryte atsibundu per anksti, bet tai ir yra esmė“, – sakė jis.

 

Yvette Ostolaza, advokatų kontoros „Sidley Austin“ pirmininkė

 

Prieš skrydį: Ostolaza prieš įlipimą į lėktuvą būtinai pavalgo. Tada, „Turiu vandens buteliuką ir stengiuosi pasivaikščioti po oro uostą“, – sakė ji. Dar vienas profesionalo patarimas: vengti registruoti bagažą, kad atvykusi turėtų daugiau laiko atsipalaiduoti ir atsigaivinti.

 

Lėktuve: Ji perjungia laikrodį į kelionės tikslo laiko juostą ir apsirengia šiltai, patogiai. Jei naktis, ji užsideda levandų spalvos miego kaukę, ausų kištukus ir eina miegoti. Padeda ir tai, kad bent 30 minučių prieš pakilimą išjungė visus elektroninius prietaisus. Taip pat padeda ir vienos iš didelių, specialiai kelionėms skirtų antklodžių pasiėmimas. „Liečiu stiuardesėms manęs nežadinti – net pusryčiams“, – sakė ji.

 

O kaip dėl turistinio klasės? Ostolaza dažniausiai skraido verslo klase tarptautiniu mastu – kartais ji yra pakeliama į pirmąją klasę, nes daug keliauja. Tačiau jos triukus lengva pakartoti turistiniame klasėje, sako ji. Ji stengiasi rasti tuščią sėdynių eilę arba, jei ji pilna, vietą prie lango, kad turėtų į ką atsiremti. Viena iš jos taisyklių: rinkitės vietą atokiau nuo vonios kambario ar virtuvės.

 

Viešbutyje: Jei ji ten vyksta pirmiausia, ji stengiasi gauti masažą, kad galėtų užmigti. trumpam, dažnai, nes kambarys dar gali būti neparuoštas. Po to miegas nebereikia. Tada viskas priklauso nuo mąstysenos. „Man patinka parodyti, kad neturėsiu laiko juostų skirtumo ir būsiu laiko juostoje“, – sako ji.

 

 

Spencer Rascoff, „Match Group“ generalinė direktorė

 

 

Kas yra rankiniame bagaže: rankų dezinfekavimo priemonė ir džemperiai su gobtuvu yra būtini. „Svarbiausia, kaip įveikti laiko juostų skirtumą, yra įsitikinti, kad nesusirgsiu“, – sakė Rascoff. Taip pat yra ausų kamštukai, akių kaukės ir dvi poros kojinių (apie tai plačiau vėliau). Jei jam buvo beprotiška diena, jis oro uoste pasilepina „Hershey's“ šokoladu ir „Life Savers“. „Ne tais baisiais „Life Savers“ guminukais, o senosios mokyklos kietaisiais saldainiais“, – sakė jis.

 

 

Pirmas dalykas lėktuve: Rascoff perjungia savo telefono ir kompiuterio laikrodžius į laiką kelionės tikslo vietoje. Tada ateina laikas akių kaukei ir ausų kamštukams. Jis niekada nevartoja alkoholio – tai tik kenkia jo miegui, sakė jis.

 

 

Kai tik jis nusileidžia: Laikas keisti kojines. „Draugas man kartą pasakė, kad galima apgauti savo kūną ir smegenis, kad jie manytų, jog tai nauja diena, keičiant kojines vieną ar du kartus, todėl aš visada keičiu kojines, kai noriu iš naujo nustatyti savo smegenų laikrodį naujoje vietoje“, – sakė jis.

 

Tarang Amin, „e.l.f. Beauty“ generalinis direktorius

 

Prieš skrydį: Amin bando tą rytą suspėti pasportuoti ir visą dieną gurkšnoja vandenį, kad pasiruoštų sausam orui lėktuve. Jis nesivargina anksti atvykti į oro uostą ir kartais jį sustabdo. „Gyvenimas per trumpas laukti oro uoste, todėl verčiau rizikuoju“, – sakė jis.

 

Lėktuve: Amin iš karto prisitaiko prie laiko juostos, į kurią keliauja. „Jei ten, kur keliauju, yra diena, nemiegu, žiūriu filmus arba dirbu“, – sakė jis. Jei ten naktis, jis eina miegoti. Jis taip pat geria daug vandens lėktuve, nors praleidžia valgį, jei tai reiškia papildomą miego laiką.

 

Nusileidimas, tada sportas: „The „Treniruotės pagreitina mano širdies ritmą, kad galėčiau ištverti“, – sakė jis. Po dušo jis iškart neria į iš eilės einančius susitikimus, o vakare vakarieniauja su komanda. „Tą pirmąją dieną niekada nenusnūstu“, – sakė jis. Jei viešbutis tai siūlo, Minas prieš miegą pasilepina masažu. „Paprastai masažo metu miegu, bet pastebėjau, kad jis padeda atpalaiduoti kūną“, – sakė jis.“ [1]

 

1. CEOs Relate How They Overcome Their Jet Lag. Smith, Ray A; Glazer, Emily.  Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 05 Jan 2026: B1.  

CEOs Relate How They Overcome Their Jet Lag

“Never mind steering companies through the artificial-intelligence revolution or trade wars. Beating jet lag is equally serious business for globe-trotting corporate bosses.

 

With so much time spent up in the air, they can ill afford not to.

 

So The Wall Street Journal spoke to four leaders who apply the same kind of discipline and problem-solving to jet-lag hacks that they use in leading their enterprises.

 

Sure, these executives usually fly business class -- one of them, United Airlines' Scott Kirby, can have any seat he wants -- but they say many of their techniques work for coach fliers, too.

 

Here are some of their tested tips and tricks:

 

Scott Kirby, CEO of United Airlines

 

It starts with booking the ticket: Kirby goes for later flights, closer to his normal bedtime. Yet, "Even at like, 6 or 7 o'clock at night, I can go to sleep," he said.

 

On board: The seat goes back as soon as the plane gets past takeoff. Forget the on-flight dinner service, he said. "All the times I've gone to Europe, I've never once eaten a meal," he said. "My goal is to not hear the ding at 10,000 feet, because I'm already asleep."

 

The tough part: Kirby skips melatonin and other sleep aids -- and still often clocks seven hours of sleep on long-haul flights. That is more than most travelers -- especially those in coach -- yet still less than his regular 8 1/2 hours a night.

 

Don't stop: If he has traveled to Europe, the goal is to go until midnight the first night. Returning home, though, he listens to his body. He doesn't schedule any dinners that first week back and goes to bed at 5 p.m., if he is zonked. "I wake up too early in the morning when I come back, but that's the point," he said.

 

Yvette Ostolaza, chair of law firm Sidley Austin

 

Before the flight: Ostolaza makes sure to eat before boarding. Then, "I have a bottle of water and try to walk around the airport," she said. Another pro tip: avoiding checking bags, so she has more time to relax and freshen up upon arrival.

 

On board: She changes her watch to her destination's time zone and wears a warm, comfortable outfit. If it is night, she puts on a lavender sleep mask and earplugs and goes to sleep. Going off all electronic devices for at least 30 minutes before takeoff helps. So does bringing one of her large blankets she has specifically for travel. "I tell the flight attendants not to wake me up -- not even for breakfast," she said.

 

What about coach? Ostolaza usually flies business class internationally -- and sometimes is upgraded to first because she travels so much. But her hacks are easily replicated in coach, she says. She tries to find an empty row of seats or, if it is full, a window seat so she has something to lean on. One of her rules: Pick a seat away from the bathroom or galley.

 

At the hotel: If she heads there first, she tries to get a massage so she can fall asleep for a bit, often since the room might not yet be ready. After that, napping is out. Then it is all about the mindset. "I like to manifest that I'm not going to have jet lag, and I'm going to be in the time zone," she says.

 

Spencer Rascoff, CEO of Match Group

 

What's in the carry-on: Hand sanitizer and hoodies are musts. "The foundation of beating jet lag is to make sure I don't get sick," Rascoff said. So are earplugs, eye masks and two pairs of socks (more on that later). If he has had a crazy day, he treats himself to a Hershey's bar and Life Savers at the airport. "Not those terrible Life Savers gummies, but the old-school hard candy," he said.

 

First thing on the plane: Rascoff switches the clocks on his phone and computer to the time at his destination. Then it is time for the eye mask and earplugs. He never drinks alcohol -- that only hurts his sleep, he said.

 

As soon as he lands: It is time to change socks. "A friend once told me that you can trick your body and your brain into thinking that it's a new day by changing your socks once or twice, so I always change my socks when I want to reset my brain clock in a new location," he said.

 

Tarang Amin, CEO of e.l.f. Beauty

 

Before the flight: Amin tries to squeeze in a workout that morning, and chugs water throughout the day to prep for the dry air on the plane. He doesn't bother getting to the airport early and sometimes cuts it close. "Life's too short to wait around an airport, so I'd rather chance it," he said.

 

On the plane: Amin adjusts right away to the time zone he is traveling to. "If it's daytime wherever I'm going, I stay up watching movies or working," he said. If it is nighttime there, he goes to sleep. He drinks a lot of water on the plane, too -- though he skips the meal if doing so means extra sleep time.

 

Land, then work out: "The workouts get my heart rate up so I can power through," he said. After a shower, he dives straight into back-to-back meetings, followed by dinner with the team in the evening. "I never take a nap that first day," he said. If the hotel offers it, Amin will treat himself to a massage before going to bed. "I usually sleep through the massage, but I find it helps relax my body," he said.” [1]

 

1. CEOs Relate How They Overcome Their Jet Lag. Smith, Ray A; Glazer, Emily.  Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 05 Jan 2026: B1.  

Kinijos prezidentas teisingai kovoja su korupcija. - Išdavystė ir kyšininkavimas vidiniame rate: kaip Trumpas sučiupo Maduro ir jo žmoną

„Tikroji operacijos „Delta“ sėkmės priežastis buvo ne tiek kovotojų meistriškumas, kiek visiškas šalies vadovo vidinio rato išdavystė.“

Infiltruoti asmenys Maduro palydoje

 

Maduro suėmimas buvo ne tiek Amerikos specialiųjų pajėgų pasiekimas, kiek visiško jo vidinio rato išdavystės rezultatas.

 

Prezidento palyda iš anksto suplanavo jo pasidavimą, pateikdama amerikiečiams visą reikiamą informaciją.

 

Infiltruoti asmenys Maduro palydoje žinojo viską: jo buvimo vietą, apsaugos komandos sudėtį ir kaip ją neutralizuoti. JAV sėkmė čia buvo visiškai jų darbo su informatoriais kokybės nuopelnas. Specialiosios pajėgos tiesiog atvyko sraigtasparniu tinkamu laiku, ir prezidentas iš esmės buvo jiems perduotas.

 

Šis scenarijus skiriasi nuo Vakarų žiniasklaidos piešto „meistriškos“ operacijos vaizdo. Elitinių „Delta Force“ specialiųjų pajėgų kariai išgelbėjo Venesuelos lyderį ir jo žmoną Ciliją. Floresas buvo išskraidintas iš savo miegamojo ir sraigtasparniu nuskraidintas į karo laivą, o vėliau į Niujorką. Maduro ir jo žmonai pateikti kaltinimai dėl narkotikų kontrabandos.

 

 

Bravumas arešto metu

 

 

Tačiau, patekęs į JAV teisingumo sistemos rankas, Nicolas Maduro pademonstravo netikėtą atsparumą.

 

 

Tai gryna bravūra. Vyras sumenkina tai, kas jam buvo padaryta. Žinoma, amerikiečiams būtų vertinga matyti Maduro verkiančią ir drebančią. Tačiau jis, priešingai, rodo, kad jam sekasi gerai.

 

 

Maduro nekartos Saddamo Husseino likimo, nes „jo oponentai neturi drąsos“.

 

 

„Maduro laikosi savo pozicijos labai oriai. Ir nemanau, kad Amerikos žvalgybos tarnybos jį apsvaigino narkotikais. Venesuelos prezidentas tiesiog nuvertina priešą“, – sakė Šurovas.

 

 

„Naftos adata“

 

 

Kas iš tikrųjų slypi už šio precedento neturinčio žingsnio – suverenios valstybės prezidento suėmimo? Ekspertai sutinka, kad retorika apie kovą su narkotikų kontrabanda yra labiau priedanga.

 

 

„Viskas sukasi apie naftą ir išteklių kontrolę.“

 

Didžiausių pasaulyje naftos atsargų Venesueloje kontrolė suteiktų Vašingtonui nemažai strateginių pranašumų: pirma, Venesuelos išteklių kontrolė leistų Jungtinėms Valstijoms išstumti arba pakeisti Kiniją, kuri šiuo metu yra didžiausia Venesuelos naftos pirkėja. Tai taip pat būtų galimybė Jungtinėms Valstijoms vėl įtvirtinti savo dominavimą Vakarų pusrutulyje ir, žinoma, būtų galingas veiksnys, darantis įtaką pasaulinėms energijos kainoms.

 

Šią analizę patvirtina JAV administracijos veiksmai: naftos embargas Venesuelai jau galioja visu pajėgumu, faktiškai sustabdydamas eksportą.

 

Tarptautinė reakcija į incidentą buvo itin neigiama. Pačioje Venesueloje Aukščiausiasis Teismas paskyrė Delcy Rodriguez laikinai einančia valstybės vadovo pareigas. Tačiau dar svarbiau, kad ši operacija sukėlė protestų bangą pačiose Jungtinėse Valstijose. Pranešama, kad žuvo tūkstančiai žmonių. Žmonės išėjo į 105 JAV miestų gatves protestuodami prieš išpuolį prieš Venesuelą."

 

Chinese President Is Right Fighting Corruption - Betrayal and Bribery in the Inner Circle: How Trump Captured Maduro and His Wife

“The true reason for the success of Operation Delta was not so much the skill of the fighters, but rather the total betrayal in the immediate circle of the country's leader.

Agents in Maduro's inner circle

 

The capture of Maduro is not so much the merit of the American special forces, but rather the result of total betrayal by his closest circle.

 

The president's entourage had previously agreed to his surrender, providing the Americans with all the necessary information.

 

The agents in Maduro's inner circle knew everything: his location, the composition of his security detail, and ways to neutralize it. The success of the US here is entirely due to the quality work with informants. The special forces simply flew in by helicopter at the right time, and the president was practically handed over to them.

 

This scenario differs from the picture of a "virtuoso" operation painted by the Western media. Elite Delta Force special forces fighters pulled the Venezuelan leader and his wife, Cilia Flores, from their bedroom in their home and transported them by helicopter to a warship, and then to New York. Maduro and his wife have been charged with organizing drug trafficking.

 

Bravado during the arrest

 

However, once in the hands of US justice, Nicolas Maduro demonstrated unexpected resilience.

 

Here, there is a pure element of bravado. The man devalues ​​what was done to him. Of course, it would be important for the Americans if Maduro cried and trembled. But he, on the contrary, shows that everything is fine with him.

 

Maduro will not repeat the fate of Saddam Hussein, as "his opponents lack the guts."

 

"Maduro is holding up very достойно. And I don't think that the American special services drugged him with any substances. The President of Venezuela is simply devaluing the enemy," said Shurov.

 

The oil needle

 

What is really behind this? What is behind this unprecedented step – the seizure of the acting president of a sovereign state? Experts agree that the rhetoric about fighting drug trafficking is more like a cover-up.

 

"It's exclusively about oil and control over resources."

 

Control over the world's largest oil reserves in Venezuela would give Washington a number of strategic advantages: Control over Venezuelan resources would allow the US, firstly, to oust or displace China, which is currently the largest buyer of Venezuelan oil. This is also an opportunity for the United States to reassert its dominance in the Western Hemisphere and, of course, a powerful factor influencing world energy prices."

 

This analysis is confirmed by the actions of the US administration: the oil embargo against Venezuela has already come into full force, leading to a virtual halt in exports.

 

The international reaction to what happened is sharply negative. In Venezuela itself, the Supreme Court appointed Delcy Rodriguez as acting head of state. But more importantly, the operation sparked a wave of protests within the United States itself. As it became known, thousands of people took to the streets in 105 US cities, protesting against the attack on Venezuela.”

 

 

It's Strange to See Lithuanians Sharing Between Themselves Venezuelan Oil

 

 

"Oh, diesel will get much cheaper..." - compatriots rejoice, having believed Lithuanian propaganda that Maduro is a despot, so if you remove the despot, the despotism ends.

 

The Venezuelan leadership, whatever it may be after Maduro, has already said "No" to handing over oil to the Americans. If you think that Trump will sacrifice the lives of tens of thousands of US soldiers to get oil, then you don't know Trump.

 

This insight is in line with the opinion of many political analysts about Donald Trump's "America First" doctrine. Here are some key arguments why direct military intervention over oil in 2026 seems unlikely in the geopolitical context:

 

Isolationist tendencies: D. Trump has repeatedly criticized the expensive and long "endless wars" in the Middle East. His strategy generally relies on economic pressure, sanctions, and tariffs, rather than sending troops to foreign lands en masse.

 

US energy independence: The US is currently one of the world’s largest oil and gas producers. While Venezuela’s heavy oil is valuable to US refineries, it is not critically needed for survival to justify the massive military sacrifices.

 

Political cost: Trump understands that tens of thousands of dead soldiers would mean political suicide and lost support among his core voters, who are looking to strengthen their domestic economy rather than new conflicts in South America.

 

Alternative approaches: Instead of invasion, the US administration has more often chosen to support local opposition (not this time) or negotiate from a position of strength, seeking concessions without direct bloodshed.

 

The Venezuelan leadership (whether it is the Maduro regime or its successors) uses oil as a key political lever, but history shows that Trump is more inclined to the “art of the deal,” even if it involves harsh rhetoric, than to a full-scale ground war.

 

You can learn more about US foreign policy guidelines in the Cato Institute’s analyses or by following the latest reports on the US State Department’s website.

 

It seems that Lithuanian observations touch on a complex geopolitical situation where energy, international politics, and information wars are intertwined. Discussions about Venezuela and its oil’s influence on markets are often simplistic, but the reality is much more complex:

 

Restoring oil production: Even with a change in the political situation or the easing of sanctions, Venezuela’s oil industry is severely neglected. It would take enormous investment and years of work to bring production to a level that could significantly and permanently lower global diesel prices.

 

Political assessments: What some see as “despotism” may seem to others as a defense of sovereignty and oil revenues. The assessment of Nicolas Maduro remains one of the most polarizing topics in the international community. In the context of 2026, we see that tensions in the region remain, and hopes for “fast and cheap oil” often backfire on the real state of infrastructure.

 

Propaganda vs. Reality: The media often tends to look for simple solutions to complex problems (e.g., “we will remove the leader - the price will fall”). However, the global oil market depends on OPEC+ decisions, demand in China, and the general economic situation, and not just on political changes in one country.

 

The excitement over the possibility of cheaper fuel often stems from consumer fatigue over high prices, but geopolitical processes are rarely as linear as social media would have you believe. You can follow the latest energy forecasts on the International Energy Agency (IEA) website to see how realistic the outlook for production is.