“Silvio Berlusconi, the former Italian leader and linchpin
of the incoming right-wing government, blames Ukraine’s president for pushing
President Vladimir V. Putin to start military operation.
ROME — Silvio Berlusconi, the former Italian prime minister,
campaigned to be the protector of democratic, pro-European values in a new
right-wing coalition that is expected to take power in days after winning
elections last month.
But even before a government can be sworn in, the
86-year-old billionaire media mogul has proved himself to be less of a stable,
moderating force, than the source of renewed anxiety after the leak of
surreptitiously recorded remarks revealed that he blamed Ukraine’s president,
Volodymyr Zelensky, for forcing President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia to start
military operation.
The remarks, complete with talk about a “sweet letter” and
vodka from Mr. Putin, raise concerns that the new right-wing government, led by
Giorgia Meloni, herself a solid supporter of Ukraine, is wobblier than expected
and could, if it ever actually comes together with another Putin-admiring
partner, potentially lead Italy to undercut Europe’s united front against
Russia.
“I reconnected a little bit with President Putin,” Mr.
Berlusconi could be heard saying on the audio published on the website of La
Presse on Tuesday, in which he addresses a meeting of loyal Forza Italia party
members, and some apparently not-so-loyal leakers. In the audio, he added that
Mr. Putin had sent him 20 bottles of vodka “and a very kind letter” for his
86th birthday last month. Mr. Berlusconi said he responded by sending bottles
of Lambrusco wine and “an equally sweet letter.”
Mr. Berlusconi has not disputed the authenticity of the
remarks. On Wednesday, a European Commission spokeswoman said it was
investigating whether the vodka shipment constituted a violation of European
sanctions against Russia.
But it was additional remarks leaked on Wednesday that did
the most damage.
“Do you know how the Russia affair came about? On this too,
however, I beg you to please keep this in the strictest confidence. Promise?”
Mr. Berlusconi can be heard saying on the tape. He then blamed Ukraine for
violating the Minsk agreement over the Donbas territories, killing “I am told
5, 6, 7 thousand” people in the territories, leading to an appeal to Mr. Putin
for protection.
“They say, ‘Vladimir, we don’t know what to do. Defend us.’
He is against any initiative, he resists, he is under heavy pressure from the
entire Russia. So he decides to invent a special operation: the troops were
supposed to enter Ukraine, reach Kyiv in a week, depose the incumbent
government, Zelensky and so on, and install a government already chosen by the
Ukrainian minority” composed of more sensible leaders, “and then leave the
following week.”
Instead, in Mr. Berlusconi’s telling, Mr. Putin was caught
off guard by a resistance fueled by weapons “from the West.” He added,
“Zelensky in my opinion — never mind I can’t say anything,” at which point he
was interrupted by cheers from his supporters. “Today unfortunately in the
Western world there are no leaders, there are no leaders in Europe and in the
United States of America. I don’t tell things. I know that there are no real
leaders. Can I make you smile? The only real leader is me.”
Those remarks echoed a previous bout of Putin apologetics by
Mr. Berlusconi last month on one of the country’s most prominent political talk
shows. At the time, he said his words had been taken out of context. But the
fact that he said the same thing in private and appeared to be doubling down on
the side of Mr. Putin drew widespread condemnation from across the political
spectrum.
On Thursday, Mr. Berlusconi went into damage-control mode.
On Twitter, he called it “ridiculous” that Italy’s center-left opposition,
which ran with leftist parties critical of NATO, can “permit themselves to
criticize me.” In another post, he said it was “simply ridiculous” to question
his pro-NATO position.
Within days, the hard-right leader Giorgia Meloni, who
emerged victorious from elections last month, is expected to become prime
minister. But she needs Mr. Berlusconi’s support, and he has now become the
largest, and most erratic, obstacle to forming a government.
Last week, as he demanded key ministries for his loyalists,
he insulted Ms. Meloni’s boyfriend by referring to him as merely an employee of
a television channel Mr. Berlusconi owned. Photographers captured an image of
Mr. Berlusconi’s notes with an actual list of insults about Ms. Meloni’s
personality. (“Overbearing, arrogant, offensive.”)
But condemnation of Mr. Putin is critical to her credibility
as a pro-Western ally, and helps allay concerns resulting from her origins in
post-fascist politics, her past anti-European Union vitriol and her closeness
to illiberal leaders such as Prime Minister Viktor Orban of Hungary. A member
of Mr. Berlusconi’s party seemed poised to serve as a reassuring foreign
minister. It’s not clear that can happen now.
Prime Minister Mario Draghi, the departing prime minister
and an architect of Europe’s united front against Russia, worked hard to shift
Italy away from its dependence on Russian gas and generally pro-Russian view,
both of which Mr. Berlusconi helped foster during his many years in power as a
four-time prime minister.
Italy’s left has a lingering affinity for Russia from its
days as the largest Communist Party in Western Europe. But Mr. Berlusconi
helped bring the right close to Russia.
During Mr. Berlusconi’s time in power, he grew fond of Mr.
Putin. Mr. Berlusconi named a bed after Mr. Putin, gave Mr. Putin bedsheets
featuring the two leaders shaking hands, and hosted Mr. Putin’s then-young
daughters at his Sardinian villa.
Recently, he said he was disappointed in his old friend, a
distancing seen as necessary to position himself as a centrist counterbalance
to Ms. Meloni’s other coalition partner, Matteo Salvini, the leader of the
League party, on the issue of Russia. Mr. Salvini used to wear T-shirts with Mr.
Putin’s face on them, made a populist career out of opposing sanctions on
Russia and once even said he preferred Mr. Putin to his own president.
After Mr. Berlusconi’s remarks, Ms. Meloni, who vowed in a
recent interview to keep sending Ukraine arms, seems increasingly alone in her
support of Ukraine. There is also increasingly political pressure from the
left.
Former Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte condemned Mr.
Berlusconi’s remarks, but this week he announced he would take part in a large
demonstration on Nov. 5 demanding peace for Ukraine and an end to arms
shipments. He called incessantly for an end to the shipments on the campaign
trail as he recast himself as a populist hero of the poor in Italy’s south, who
he said should be the recipients of the money instead spent on weapons.
Critics say Mr. Conte is advocating Ukraine’s surrender, but
he seems to have more and more allies. The Vatican and Italian Roman Catholic
Church, which are politically powerful in Italy, have seemed to drift toward
the peace-at-all-costs column.
This week, Cardinal Matteo Zuppi, the president of the
Italian church and a close ally of Pope Francis, who has himself been reluctant
at times to call out Mr. Putin, was quoted by the Italian news agency ANSA
saying that it was “better to lose a piece of sovereignty and resolve
conflicts. Instead of taking up arms, let’s talk about it.””
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