"The Biden administration vowed last month to crack down on
companies that sell critical technologies to Russia as part of its efforts to
curtail Russia. But the continued flow of Chinese drones to the country
explains why that will be hard.
While drone sales have slowed, American policies put in
place have failed to stanch exports of the unmanned aerial vehicles that work
as eyes in the sky for frontline fighters. In the year since extraordinary
sanctions on Russia started, China has sold more than $12 million in drones and
drone parts to the country, according to official Russian customs data from a
third-party data provider.
It is hard to determine whether the Chinese drones contain
American technologies that would violate the U.S. rules or whether they are
legal. The shipments, a mix of products from DJI, the world’s best-known drone
maker, and an array of smaller companies, often came through small-time
middlemen and exporters.
Complicated sales channels and vague
product descriptions within export data also make it hard to definitively show
whether there are U.S. components in the Chinese products, which could
constitute a violation of the American export controls. And the official sales
are likely only one part of a larger flow of technologies through unofficial
channels and other nations friendly to Russia, like Kazakhstan, Pakistan and
Belarus.
The result is a steady supply of new
drones to Russia that make their way to the front lines. On the battlefield,
the hovering quadcopters often last only a few flights before they are blown
out of the skies. Refilling stockpiles of even the most basic unmanned aerial
vehicles has become as critical as other basic necessities, such as procuring
artillery shells and bullets.
Militarily, diplomatically and economically, Beijing has
become an increasingly important buttress for Russia. China has remained one of
the largest buyers of Russian oil, helping finance Russia. The two sides have
also held joint military exercises and jointly assailed the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization.
As China’s top leader, Xi Jinping, meets this week with
President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia, U.S. officials have warned that China is
still considering selling lethal weapons for use in Ukraine.
American efforts to isolate Russia
from much-needed technology and cash have been complicated by China’s dominance
of the global electronics supply chain.
The United States has sought to
undercut some Chinese companies through export controls in recent years, but
the world remains heavily reliant on China’s city-sized assembly plants and
clusters of specialized component makers.
The country’s outsize role has made it difficult to
understand and control what foreign products go into basic, but critical,
consumer electronics like drones, which can be made from widely available
components sold in retail stores.
“It poses an export control challenge: The same model can be
used by real estate people to survey property and can be used in Ukraine for
intelligence purposes,” said William A. Reinsch, a fellow at the Center for
Strategic and International Studies in Washington and a former official at the
Commerce Department who oversaw export controls.
“They’re not the most sophisticated technology in the world
— it’s not inevitable that they’re going to contain American chips,” he added,
pointing out that if there are no American components in the drones, shipments
become a political question, not a legal one.
Particularly problematic for the United States government is
DJI, the maker of hovering quadcopter drones that have become emblematic of a
new type of intelligence. Sales of its drones to Russia have continued, even
though it has said it suspended shipments to both Russia and Ukraine. The
company is already the target of United States export controls.
The Commerce Department added DJI to a blacklist in 2020
that prevents American firms from selling technology without express
permission. The measure has done little to affect DJI’s industry dominance, and
the company’s products made up nearly half of the Chinese drone shipments to
Russia, according to the customs data. A portion of them were sold directly by
DJI, via iFlight Technology, a subsidiary of DJI.
In total, nearly 70 Chinese exporters sold 26 distinct
brands of Chinese drones to Russia. The second-largest brand sold was Autel, a
Chinese drone maker with subsidiaries in the United States, Germany and Italy;
exporters sold nearly $2 million of its drones, with the latest batch shipping
in February 2023. On its website, the company advertises sales to United States
police forces.
A DJI spokesman said the company could find no record of any
direct sales to Russia since April 16, 2022, and that it would investigate
other firms that appeared to be selling to Russia. The company, he said, has
stopped all shipments to and operations in Russia and Ukraine since the
beginning of the sanctions and has “thorough protocols” to ensure it does not
violate United States sanctions.
“Like any consumer electronics company with products sold at
many different electronics stores, we cannot influence how all our products are
being used once they leave our control,” the spokesman added in an emailed
statement.
Autel said in an emailed statement that it was not aware of
any sales to Russia and was conducting an internal investigation about the
issue.
Although popular for years with
photography enthusiasts and tourists, hovering quadcopter drones now constitute
a major advantage for Russian and Ukrainian troops on the front line, who use
them for battlefield reconnaissance. They need to be regularly resupplied,
since both sides are shooting down the unmanned vehicles with increasing
efficiency.
Ukraine has relied on donations of
drones from third-party organizations and individuals, which has meant their
troops use DJI drones on the front lines, too. Advisers estimate that about
half of Ukrainian troops’ stocks are made up of Ukrainian drones and half are
foreign ones, mostly those made by DJI.
In place of donations, Russia has
been able to purchase a consistent, if not massive, supply of drones from
China. The direct sales by Chinese exporters, industry experts say, are only
one part of a wider effort to procure the drones from nearby markets, where
they can be bought off the shelves of retail stores.
Some experts note that the flow of Chinese drones should be
considered in the same way as more deadly weapons. Even the meager $12 million
in shipments “will move the needle for what is happening on the front line,”
said Cole Rosentreter, chief executive of Canadian drone maker Pegasus, who has
advised Ukrainians on the use of drones during the war.
“We’ve returned to warfare at
industrial scale; both sides are treating drones the same as artillery shells
now, because whoever has the logistical base to outproduce the other has a
clear advantage on the battlefield,” he added.
To that end, even tacit support of fresh drone shipments by
Mr. Xi could constitute a longer-term advantage for Russian troops. Already, it
has been difficult to fully control the shipment of high-tech components like
those going into drones.
Chinese companies supplying Russia,
whether out of political calculus or profit incentive, sometimes use chains of
intermediary companies that can include more than a dozen firms. In other
cases, descriptions of shipments can be intentionally vague or underplay the total
volume of goods being sent.
“What we’ve seen from
the Chinese is high-level statements about wanting an end to the conflict, but
behind the scenes they’ve used the opportunity to take over trade channels that
once went through Europe and the United States,” said James Hodson, a member of
the Yermak-McFaul International Expert Group on Russian Sanctions and chief
executive of the A.I. for Good Foundation.
Often, he said, the goal of sanctions is not to wipe out
shipments, but to cut off “90 percent of the blood flow.”
“It’s going to be very difficult to
completely amputate the flow. But it is worrying that in some instances, it’s
like nothing is being blocked,” he said.”
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