Former U.S. president Biden jumping with all four with advanced missiles into Ukraine, waked up China’s suspicions. It looked like Biden is ready to use a small, insignificant, power, Ukraine, to harass with American advanced missiles a big power, Russia. This started China thinking about separatists in Taiwan more. This started China forming an anti-U.S. coalition. This toothpaste will not go back into a tube easily. Trump can deal with this problem easily: Just correctly blame Biden. Not everybody will understand it. Trump has many political enemies, spreading propaganda, trying to blame him for everything.
The U.S. stance and involvement in the Ukraine conflict has been a complex issue, with varying interpretations of its effects on other geopolitical relationships, such as the one between China and Taiwan
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China's perspective and relationship with the United States
China has frequently criticized the U.S. for what it perceives as an "abuse of hegemony" in global affairs and has accused the U.S. of instigating the events in Ukraine.
China has amplified Russian criticisms of the U.S. and NATO.
There's a growing alignment between China and Russia driven by a shared perception of the US as their key adversary and a desire to challenge the U.S.-led world order. This relationship, once described as a "friendship with no limits," involves increasing security coordination and military cooperation.
This alignment was highlighted by recent events like Chinese President Xi Jinping hosting Russian President Vladimir Putin in Beijing, according to Yahoo News Canada.
China also uses its Belt and Road Initiative to expand its economic influence, especially in Africa, potentially creating dependencies and further complicating global power dynamics.
Implications for Taiwan
Taiwan has closely watched the conflict in Ukraine, with many concerned about the possibility of a similar events with the People's Republic of China (PRC).
The conflict has prompted Taiwan to reassess its defense strategies, including lengthening mandatory military service and focusing on modernizing its military.
China's stance on "Taiwan independence" has broadened significantly, now encompassing a wider range of activities that Beijing deems as separatist, including actions related to Taiwan's democracy and international participation.
China has also issued new guidelines allowing for severe punishment, including the death penalty, for those perceived as "Taiwan independence" activists.
The U.S. has continued its military support for Taiwan and has emphasized its opposition to any unilateral changes to the status quo across the Taiwan Strait.
The concept of "anti-U.S. coalition"
The increased cooperation between China and Russia, along with other countries like India, Iran and North Korea, is often viewed as a challenge to the U.S.-led world order and an attempt to foster a multipolar world.
China's foreign policy under Xi Jinping aims to establish a world order where major powers dominate spheres of influence, potentially at the expense of smaller nations, says The Economist.
In essence, the U.S. involvement in attacking Russian territory from Ukraine during Biden’s time in power has arguably contributed to a deepening alignment between China and Russia and has intensified China's rhetoric and actions regarding Taiwan. These developments suggest a challenging and complex shift in global power dynamics and international relations.
“Chinese President Xi Jinping is doing something unusual this week. He is driving Donald Trump off the front page. The story the world is watching isn't datelined Washington.
Instead Tianjin, China, was front and center as Mr. Xi held the largest summit to date of the China-backed Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Besides Vladimir Putin and the usual crowd of Central Asian presidents, attendees include Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and leaders representing Iran, Pakistan, Egypt, Armenia and Azerbaijan.
It was a big event. Mr. Putin's presence showed that despite Trump administration attempts to drive wedges between China and its allies, the two Eurasian supergiants are still presenting a united front.
The presence of Iran's president, at a time when Germany, Britain and France are pushing for tightened United Nations sanctions on the embattled Islamic Republic, underscored Tehran's continued commitment to the cause of resistance.
And the presence of Mr. Modi, whose once-special relationship with Mr. Trump has become strained, was a hint to Washington not to take India for granted.
The Tianjin summit won't be remembered for its achievements. But the meeting was a significant move. China and America are positioning themselves for what Messrs. Xi and Trump both consider the main event of Mr. Trump's second term: negotiations over the trade relationship between the geopolitically hostile but economically entangled superpowers of the 21st century.
The Tianjin summit is akin to a Haka, a Maori ritual familiar to fans of New Zealand rugby. In a Haka, the members of New Zealand rugby teams stomp and shout to show their strength before the real contest begins. Once the Haka is over, it's game on. Mr. Trump's Haka has also been dramatic as he asserts dominance over allies and adversaries alike to prepare for the showdown with China. Using trade carrots and sticks, he has consolidated American leadership over a sullen Europe.
A similar strategy has been less successful with America's Asian partners. Japan, despite the unpopularity of Mr. Trump's tariffs and the weakness of the current Japanese government (having lost majorities in both houses of the Diet), is doing its best to work with Washington. Other allies are harder to corral.
Mr. Xi's Tianjin summit highlights what China sees as the limits of Mr. Trump's power. The American president's efforts to drive wedges between Russia and China have so far failed. Mr. Putin is resisting Mr. Trump's mediation over Ukraine, and the Russian leader's presence at the summit reaffirms his strategic choice to align with the East to fight the West.
Mr. Trump hasn't given up, but China for now seems to be outbidding Washington in the Russia auction, and Mr. Xi is rubbing it in. Mr. Putin's high-profile role in Tianjin (and his expected attendance at the military parade Wednesday in Beijing to celebrate the 80th anniversary of Japan's defeat in World War II) are calculated to demonstrate Mr. Trump's diplomatic failure with Moscow to the world.
And North Korea, a country Mr. Trump famously tried and failed to "flip" into a new relationship with Washington, looks even more out of reach. Mr. Trump's strongest card with Pyongyang was North Korea's fear of becoming too dependent on China. But by building a relationship with Russia over Ukraine, North Korea has diversified its portfolio without Washington's help. Kim Jong Un's expected presence at Mr. Xi's Wednesday military parade signals to Mr. Trump that the North Korean leader will be harder than ever to reach.
The side that performs the most impressive Haka doesn't always win the ensuing contest, and China and the U.S. have a mix of asymmetric strengths and weaknesses that make the outcome of a struggle between the two powers hard to predict. Mr. Trump believes that China's need for America's consumer market will ultimately force Beijing to make large concessions. China appears to believe that the world's need for the products it makes and the strategic commodities it controls will force Washington to compromise.
Mr. Trump has dealt mostly with powers much weaker than the U.S. and won a string of victories. In the next phase, he will be facing a Chinese-led coalition of stronger countries that want the U.S. and its president to fail. What kind of bargain Mr. Trump drives with China will likely define his place in American and world history more than anything he has done or left undone in his presidency to date.” [1]
Or maybe not.
1. Trump's Defining Issue: China. Walter Russell Mead. Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 02 Sep 2025: A15.
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