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2021 m. gegužės 13 d., ketvirtadienis

This Is How Wokeness Ends


"My friend Rod Dreher recently had a blog post for The American Conservative called “Why Are Conservatives in Despair?” He explained that conservatives are in despair because a hostile ideology — wokeness or social justice or critical race theory — is sweeping across America the way Bolshevism swept across the Russian Empire before the October Revolution in 1917.

This ideology is creating a “soft totalitarianism” across wide swaths of American society, he writes. In the view of not just Dreher but also many others, it divides the world into good and evil based on crude racial categories. It has no faith in persuasion, or open discourse, but it shames and cancels anybody who challenges the official catechism. It produces fringe absurdities like “ethnomathematics,” which proponents say seeks to challenge the ways that, as one guide for teachers puts it, “math is used to uphold capitalist, imperialist and racist views” by dismissing old standards like “getting the ‘right’ answer.”

I’m less alarmed by all of this because I have more confidence than Dreher and many other conservatives in the American establishment’s ability to co-opt and water down every radical progressive ideology. In the 1960s, left-wing radicals wanted to overthrow capitalism. We ended up with Whole Foods. The co-optation of wokeness seems to be happening right now.

The thing we call wokeness contains many elements. At its core is an honest and good-faith effort to grapple with the legacies of racism. In 2021, this element of wokeness has produced more understanding, inclusion and racial progress than we’ve seen in over 50 years. This part of wokeness is great.

But wokeness gets weirder when it’s entangled in the perversities of our meritocracy, when it involves demonstrating one’s enlightenment by using language — “problematize,” “heteronormativity,” “cisgender,” “intersectionality” — inculcated in elite schools or with difficult texts.

In an essay titled “The Language of Privilege,” in Tablet, Nicholas Clairmont argues that the difficulty of the language is the point — to exclude those with less educational capital.

People who engage in this discourse have been enculturated by our best and most expensive schools. If you look at the places where the splashy woke controversies have taken place, they have often been posh prep schools, like Harvard-Westlake or Dalton, or pricey colleges, like Bryn Mawr or Princeton.

The meritocracy at this level is very competitive. Performing the discourse by canceling and shaming becomes a way of establishing your status and power as an enlightened person. It becomes a way of showing — despite your secret self-doubts — that you really belong. It also becomes a way of showing the world that you are anti-elite, even though you work, study and live in circles that are extremely elite.

The meritocracy has one job: to funnel young people into leadership positions in society.
 
It’s very good at doing that. Corporations and other organizations are eager to hire top performers, and one sign of elite credentials is the ability to do the discourse. That’s why the C.I.A. made that widely mocked recruiting video that was like a woke word salad: cisgender, intersectional, patriarchal.

The people at the C.I.A., Disney, Major League Baseball and Coca-Cola aren’t faking it when they perform the acts we now call woke capitalism. They went to the same schools and share the same dominant culture and want the same reputational benefits.

But as the discourse gets more corporatized it’s going to get watered down. The primary ideology in America is success; that ideology has a tendency to absorb all rivals.

We saw this happen between the 1970s and the 1990s. American hippies built a genuinely bohemian counterculture. But as they got older they wanted to succeed. They brought their bohemian values into the market, but year by year those values got thinner and thinner and finally were nonexistent.

Corporations and other establishment organizations co-opt almost unconsciously. They send ambitious young people powerful signals about what level of dissent will be tolerated while embracing dissident values as a form of marketing. By taking what was dangerous and aestheticizing it, they turn it into a product or a brand. Pretty soon key concepts like “privilege” are reduced to empty catchphrases floating everywhere.

The economist and cultural observer Tyler Cowen expects wokeness in this sense won’t disappear. Writing for Bloomberg last week, he predicted it would become something more like the Unitarian Church — “broadly admired but commanding only a modicum of passion and commitment.”

This would be fine with me. As I say, there are (at least) two elements to wokeness. One focuses on concrete benefits for the disadvantaged — reparations, more diverse hiring, more equitable housing and economic policies. The other instigates savage word wars among the highly advantaged. If we can have more of the former and less of the latter, we’ll all be better off."

Our Landsbergiai and Liberal sinful girls are trying to emulate the Western elite. They hope, that the golden dust of Wokeness clings to them. Most of the rest in Lithuania watch amazed to see how it all ends. The result will be sophisticated woke language, nothing concrete will come out of it. 



Gazos raketos: papildytas arsenalas, varginantis Izraelį

  "KAIRAS. Jie gabena dalis arba gamina savo rankomis, remdamiesi žiniomis iš Irano. Jie panaudoja vandentiekio vamzdžius, išgrobtus iš apleistų Izraelio gyvenviečių, ir komponentus, išgraibstytus iš nesprogusių Izraelio bombų. Jie surenka raketas po žeme arba tankiuose rajonuose, kur yra izraeliečiai nenori pulti. Nepaisant Izraelio stebėjimo pajėgumų ir didžiulės karinės ugnies, esančios šalia, palestiniečių, kovotojai Gazoje per 16 metų, kai Izraelis išlaisvino šį pakrantės anklavą, kurį jis okupavo po 1967 m. karo, sugebėjo sukaupti didelį raketų arsenalą. 

Nuo 2007 m. Gazai vadovaujanti kovotojų grupuotė „Hamas“, nepripažįstanti Izraelio teisės egzistuoti, arsenalą pavertė vis labiau mirtina grėsme, kaip matyti iš naujausio karo veiksmų su Izraelio kariuomene pakilimo. Iki ketvirtadienio, Izraelio pareigūnų teigimu, kovotojai iššovė apie 1800 raketų. Kiekvieną dieną paleistų raketų skaičius per paskutinius karo veiksmus buvo neregėtas. Nors dauguma raketų yra nukreiptos į gyventojų centrus visoje pietinėje ir vidurinėje Izraelio dalyje, ilgesnio nuotolio raketos buvo paleistos į Tel Avivą ir Jeruzalę. Ekspertų teigimu, tai yra ženklas, kad „Hamas“ sugebėjo ne tik papildyti savo arsenalą, bet ir pagerino savo galimybes. 

Izraelis sėkmingai sužlugdė daugybę iki šiol paleistų raketų savo priešgaisrinės gynybos sistema „Iron Dome“, sunaikindamas jas dar prieš nusileidžiant. Tačiau vis daugiau raketų atsitrenkė į Izraelio teritoriją, kai kurios iš jų turėjo mirtiną poveikį. 

Ekspertai sako, kad kovotojai dabar žino, kad užtvarų intensyvumas ir kelios jų paleidimo kryptys atskleidė Izraelio gynybos pažeidžiamumą. „Tai yra didžiulis patobulinimas nuo vieno ar dviejų raketų paleidimo vienu metu iki 130 raketų paleidimo per penkias minutes“, - sakė Gazos ruože dirbantis karinis ekspertas Rami Abu Zubaydah, turėdamas omenyje pastarųjų dienų matytą dažnį. 

 „Dabar dauguma ginklų gaminami Gazoje, naudojant Irano techninę patirtį“, - sakė jis. 

 Kalbėdamas apie pakartotinai surenkamus vandentiekio vamzdžius, pasisakydamas 2019 m. susirinkime, ponas Sinwaras sakė: „Ten yra jų pakankamai, kad būtų galima pagaminti raketas ateinantiems 10 metų“. 

 


Gaza’s Rockets: A Replenished Arsenal That Vexes Israel


"CAIRO — They smuggle the parts or make their own, aided with know-how from Iran. They repurpose plumbing pipes scavenged from abandoned Israeli settlements and components culled from dud Israeli bombs. They assemble the rockets underground or in dense neighborhoods that the Israelis are reluctant to strike.

Despite Israel’s vaunted surveillance capability and overwhelming military firepower next door, Palestinian militants in Gaza have managed to amass a large arsenal of rockets with enhanced range in the 16 years since Israel vacated the coastal enclave it had occupied after the 1967 war.

Hamas, the militant group that has run Gaza since 2007 and does not recognize Israel’s right to exist, has parlayed the arsenal into an increasingly lethal threat, as seen in the most recent upsurge of hostilities with the Israeli military. By Thursday, Israeli officials said, the militants had fired about 1,800 rockets.

The number of rockets fired each day in the most recent spate of hostilities is unprecedented. And while the majority of the rockets appear to be aimed at population centers across southern and central Israel, longer-range rockets were launched at Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. This is a sign, experts say, that Hamas has not only managed to replenish its arsenal but has improved its capabilities.

Israel has successfully thwarted many of the rockets fired so far with its Iron Dome antimissile defense system, destroying them before they land. But an increasing number of the rockets have slammed into Israeli territory, some with deadly effect. Experts say the militants now know that the intensity of the barrages — and the multiple directions from which they launch — have exposed vulnerabilities in the Israeli defense.

“It is a huge improvement going from firing one or two rockets at a time to launching 130 rockets in five minutes,” said Rami Abu Zubaydah, a Gaza-based military expert, referring to the frequency of fire seen in the past few days.

“Most weapons are now manufactured in Gaza, using technical expertise from Iran,” he said.

Referring to the repurposed plumbing pipes, while speaking in another gathering in 2019, Mr. Sinwar said, “There is enough there to manufacture rockets for the coming 10 years.”"



Iš karantino galima uždirbti darbdavio sąskaita

  "Šiuo metu galiojančiame Darbo kodekse 56 straipsnyje numatyta, kad darbo sutartis gali būti nutraukta darbuotojo rašytiniu pareiškimu, jeigu „darbuotojo prastova ne dėl darbuotojo kaltės tęsiasi ilgiau kaip 30 dienų iš eilės arba jeigu ji susidaro daugiau kaip 45 dienas per paskutinius 12 mėnesių“. Antroje straipsnio dalyje numatyta, kad „nutraukiant darbo sutartį šiame straipsnyje nustatytu pagrindu, darbdavys privalo išmokėti darbuotojui dviejų jo vidutinio darbo užmokesčių dydžio išeitinę išmoką“ (arba vieno, jei darbo santykiai tęsiasi trumpiau negu metus).

LPPARA ir asociacijos nariai pažymi, kad darbuotojai, ypač paslaugų sektoriuje, naudojasi susidariusia situacija – mažėjant verslui taikomiems suvaržymams ir augant darbo rinkos aktyvumui, prašoma nutraukti darbo sutartis, nors darbuotojai reikalingi darbo vietoje. Gavę išmoką iš vieno darbdavio, tokie darbuotojai tuoj pat siekia vėl įsidarbinti pas kitą, o kartais net tą patį darbdavį. Savo ruožtu nuo pandemijos nukentėjusių įmonių ekonominė padėtis dažnai yra sunki, jos turi susigrąžinti prarastą apyvartą ir mokėti tokių išeitinių išmokų negali."

Pupt pupt negaliu ir sveikatos neturiu...

Let's go, Juozai, from here ...

 "Although the salary limits for junior researchers have been increased by 35% since 1 January this year, salaries remain insufficiently competitive. Research talent is leaving Lithuania. Additional funding is needed to retain and attract them to Lithuania, and to ensure a motivating salary."

Važiuojam, Juozai, iš čia...

 "Nors nuo šių metų sausio 1 d. jaunesniųjų mokslo darbuotojų pareiginės algos koeficientų ribos buvo padidintos 35%, atlyginimai išlieka nepakankamai konkurencingi. Mokslo talentai išvyksta iš Lietuvos. Norint juos išlaikyti ir pritraukti į Lietuvą, reikalingas papildomas finansavimas, padėsiantis užtikrinti motyvuojantį atlygį."

 

 

Why don't we have decent science in Lithuania?

 Why don't we have decent science in Lithuania? "Low salaries of researchers, concentration of funds and people in large competence centers of the most famous Western universities and unloved bureaucracy by Lithuanian researchers are the main reasons why Lithuania looks sad in European research funding programs," says Liudas Mažylis, MEP, doctor of science and former VMU professor. "It is a pity, but Lithuania has taken the last place among the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, and on a European scale we are only ahead of Malta," says L. Mažylis about the country's results using the funds of the Horizon 2020 program. 

A lot of good words can be said about European science and the programs that fund it, says L. Mažylis, but the participation of states in them is not quite equal yet. This is also unresolved in the new European Horizon. In addition to the fact that Lithuania itself does not invest enough in research (twice less than the EU average), countries with large centers of excellence will benefit the most from this program. Cross-border science is the goal, but it is not easy to implement. 

MEP Andrius Kubilius, a member of the European People's Group, agrees. The program provides great opportunities for researchers, he says, but so far it is acting as a "brain drain" from Lithuania. "It seems 90 or 95 percent of Horizon's funds go back to the old European countries, because the big centers of excellence are located there. They hire our scientists, who both earn and gain experience, and the benefits for the transformation of our state's economy are very conditional,” - A. Kubilius considers. 

Another major problem of Lithuanian science and the reason for the low use of Horizon 2020 funds is the low salaries of researchers. "In this way, we absorb less money and drag on the tail of Europe," says L. Mažylis. According to him, an attempt is being made to solve the problem: in the last term of the Seimas it is planned to increase the salaries of researchers one and a half times, so if government plans do not change, the situation should improve. Another obstacle for researchers to participate in international research and programs is inertia and reluctance to overcome bureaucratic obstacles. "It is easier for researchers to apply for funding from the Lithuanian Science Council (LMT), and accountability is easier, which is another reason to be passive in relation to European programs," says L. Mažylis. 

Jūratė Devižienė, Head of the LMT International Programs Department, agrees with this. According to her, the Horizon program is implemented on a competitive basis, the competition is fierce, and the work and experience of the old EU countries is superior. She also explains the extremely low funding of science in Lithuania due to the lack of political will. Lithuania's expenditure on research and experimental development is below the EU average. In many years, they do not account for 1% of GDP, including the EU Structural Funds. "Politicians do not understand the added value created by science in the long run, they want the result quickly and now, so that they can boast during the term or that the invested euro will immediately pay off at least twice," says J.Devižienė. According to her, although science, especially fundamental, is a risky investment, in the long run it always pays off, as the examples of many developed countries show. Another reason for the lag, mentioned by the LMT representative, is that science loses in public relations competitions. Researchers do not have the time or do not always understand the need to explain to society and politicians the benefits of their work, and often do not have the communication competencies and resources to do so, and are therefore unable to compete with other sectors that are much stronger in this respect. MEP L.Mažylis says that he does not notice the significant changes among scientists: "Still, they are more inclined to focus on the calls published by LMT - it is easier to submit an application in Lithuania." 

Another important area that lacks attention in Lithuania is science and business cooperation. Under the European Horizon program for 2021-2027. innovative small and medium-sized enterprises and research infrastructures will be supported. "It is necessary to unite sectors so that business feels the meaning of basic research - which states do it, they are the leaders," L. Mažylis believes. According to him, that is why small and medium-sized businesses are included in the program. "Our government should understand this - choose those areas where Lithuania may have a breakthrough or have work, and try to convince scientists that the eternal study of one and the same chemical compound or laser beam is not necessarily very important. Maybe we need to focus more on business and economic benefits," - he said."

Their explanations of the situation are too complex. In reality, the bribed Lithuanian government (Eligijau Masiuli, where are you? Not yet in prison?) serves primitive and greedy Lithuanian privatizers who do not know anything serious themselves, and don't need science. Therefore, the Lithuanian government doesn't need science. These predators will suck the last juices out of Lithuania, and take everything abroad (Numa-Numavičiau, where are you? In the UK?). They will leave us on the ropes.