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2024 m. spalio 17 d., ketvirtadienis

Polish Finance Minister: Poland needs a new model of economic growth


"We have a peace dividend behind us, which was destroyed by the events in Ukraine. The demographic rent that provided us with a high supply of qualified personnel has also been exhausted. The current growth model therefore requires corrections - says Andrzej Domański, Polish Minister of Finance.

Poland, Europe and the world find themselves in an exceptional time - we are a few weeks before the presidential elections in the United States, just before the European Commission takes over the reins in a new composition and less than three months before Poland takes over the presidency of the EU Council. During the European Forum for New Ideas held in Sopot, Finance Minister Andrzej Domański pointed out that this time of "new deal" is taking place in very demanding conditions - after a series of economic crises, a disruption of macroeconomic balance, and also during the ongoing conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East. This makes the future exceptionally hazy today.

The goal? Maintaining a high rate of growth

- The word "uncertainty" in this increasingly multipolar world is repeated and inflected by a growing group of politicians and analysts today. Poland, nominally the sixth largest economy in the EU, and after taking into account the difference in purchasing power - the fifth, will have a key role to play. For many countries, we are an example to follow, being the engine of growth of the EU economy. However, we live in pre-war times and we must be ready for various scenarios. That is why we are already spending over 4% of GDP on defense, and in the budget for next year we have secured 4.7% of GDP, the most among all NATO members - explained Minister Domański during his speech at EFNI.

 

Energy, migration, security issues and cooperation with entrepreneurs, as well as the priorities of the Polish presidency - these are the most important topics of the opening speech of Prime Minister Donald Tusk during the EFNI conference in Sopot.

Despite this, in the second quarter of this year, our country recorded the highest rate of growth among the large EU economies. In 2025, it is to be almost 4%, which – as the Minister of Finance notes – will place us at the top of the OECD group. However, we cannot ignore threats from the East.

 

– The surrounding reality poses new challenges. We are also facing the excessive deficit procedure inherited from our predecessors. But our goal is to maintain a high rate of economic growth. This year, real wages will increase by 9%, the most in the 21st century. This drives consumption, which is conducive to GDP growth. However, we need sustainable growth based to a greater extent on investments – claims Andrzej Domański.

 

According to him, however, we must refer to the very high dynamics of changes in global economic relations. – The departure from the deepening of globalization processes is currently determined primarily by the issue of economic security, which is, among other things, the result of challenges from competing states such as Russia and China. As a result of these tensions, protectionist activities are intensifying, and the effect is the progressive fragmentation of the world economy – indicates the minister.

We are losing in the global race

As Andrzej Domański emphasizes, a debate has begun in the EU on leaving the "economic comfort zone", and the pretext for a broader discussion was, among others, Mario Draghi's report. - This is a painful but accurate diagnosis of the challenges facing Europe. We are already losing in many respects in the global technological race with the USA and Asian countries. And we face new challenges: energy transformation, demographic changes, new geopolitical conditions. We must draw conclusions and take decisive action, because otherwise our socio-economic model will cease to exist - warns Domański.

In his opinion, the biggest pain point of the EU is the lack of economic growth. - Let's be honest: there will be no green economy, no common security policy, no social cohesion if the European economy sinks into long-term stagnation. Economic growth should be a priority in the context of the policies introduced - he claims.

 

Investment is needed to revive growth. Meanwhile, Europe is massively underinvested. Real investment outlays in the EU are currently only 10 percent higher than in 2007, before the great financial crisis. In the United States, these outlays are 35 percent higher. "This shows this huge disproportion in investment outlays, and we can see the effects of this in many areas," Domański emphasizes. He notes that the EU missed out on, among other things, the technology race.

The result? Today, one American company, Nvidia, is worth more than the entire DAX index, which groups the largest German companies.

 

The need for a responsible migration policy

- Poland's improving situation in the international and EU arenas and the upcoming presidency will allow our country to more effectively influence the EU's responses to global challenges. I cannot turn a blind eye to the depletion of our competitive advantages. We have a peace dividend behind us, which was destroyed by events in Ukraine. The demographic rent that provided us with a very high supply of well-qualified staff has been exhausted. The current growth model therefore requires corrections - comments the Minister of Finance. - Poles are an increasingly wealthy society, with growing aspirations. Our task must therefore be to support modern branches of the economy, based on knowledge. The energy transformation must be at the center of both Poland's and Europe's attention. Skillful management of changes in the European energy sector may not only allow for lower energy prices, and thus improve the competitiveness of European companies, but also become a powerful pro-development vehicle – he continues.

Minister Domański emphasized that at the same time we are participants in a technological race and a fight to improve the efficiency of our economy, and in this area we still have a lot of catching up to do.

– The robotization rate of the Polish economy is disastrously low. The level of adaptation of IT solutions in Polish companies, including AI technology, is one of the lowest in the entire EU – enumerates Andrzej Domański.

According to him, in view of long-term negative demographic changes, the process of shortages on the labor market has accelerated. This is a huge challenge. – However, we must pursue a responsible migration policy. The influx of labor migrants to our country is inevitable, but it must take place in a controlled manner. It is necessary to attract employees from those specializations to Poland, where there is a particular lack of domestic resources. After all, the Polish economy has not been competing solely on low labor costs for a long time. What we are focusing on and must focus on is qualified staff – he adds." 

 

Let us be honest. America competes with the EU for investment money and for qualified migrants. We need peace in Ukraine, restore the flow of cheap Russian gas into the EU, normalize trade with China, and develop our own AI economy. Then and only then can we start moving on by building a competitive technology of the future, becoming a strong support source for our American friends, not just a dying place for extraction of investment money and of high profits for energy companies.


Harris ir Trumpas: Kinija dėmesio centre, o ne Europa


„Bet kokiu atveju Europos sąjungininkai JAV taps mažiau svarbūs. Lapkričio mėnesį vyksiantys prezidento rinkimai turi tik įtakos tam, kaip greitai šis susvetimėjimas progresuos – ir kaip planuotai.

 

Tikėtina, kad respublikonas Donaldas Trumpas ir demokratė Kamala Harris yra arti vieno dalyko: įsitikinimas, kad Indo-Ramiojo vandenyno regionas ir jame, galią suvokianti, Kinija yra pagrindinis artimiausių dešimtmečių JAV geopolitinis iššūkis. Atlanto regionas, taigi ir Europa, yra antroje JAV eilėje.

 

Nors abu kandidatai į prezidentus tai komunikuoja labai skirtingai, abu mano, kad didžiausią savo saugumo naštą turi prisiimti patys europiečiai ir ateityje nebegalės pasikliauti JAV, kaip saugumo garantu. Europiečiai turi tam pasiruošti – nesvarbu, kuris iš dviejų kandidatų laimės rinkimus lapkričio 5 d.

 

Skirtumas tarp jų slypi tame, kaip jie įgyvendins šį esminį įsitikinimą: ilgalaikiu pagrindu ir glaudžiai bendradarbiaudami su europiečiais, kaip galima tikėtis su Harris, arba staiga, kaip ir galima tikėtis su Trumpu. Harris pritaria minčiai, kad JAV reikia sąjungininkų, kad galėtų toliau veikti, kaip pasaulinė veikėja, ir kad buvimas priešingoje Atlanto vandenyno pakrantėje yra būtinas JAV saugumui. Tačiau Harris sumažins susijusią naštą, kad atlaisvintų išteklių Indo-Ramiojo vandenyno regionui.

 

Su Trumpu mintis pasikliauti sąjungininkais yra ne tokia ryški. Tai buvo akivaizdu iš jo griežto elgesio NATO partnerių atžvilgiu, būnant prezidentu. Su Trumpu neatmestinas trūkis tarp JAV ir Europos, bent jau tuo atveju, jei europiečiai nešoks pagal jo dūdelę.

 

Pasekmės Ukrainai

 

Ką tai reiškia Ukrainai? Harris, tikriausiai, nori ir toliau remti Ukrainą. Ji baiminasi, kad pergalingas prezidentas Vladimiras Putinas taps nuolatiniu neramumų šaltiniu Europoje, galinčiu ne kartą sutrikdyti norimą Amerikos susitelkimą į Indo-Ramiojo vandenyno regioną. Jos nuomone, Putinas ir kiti, tame tarpe Ukrainoje esantys, asmenys turi išmokti, kad sienų Europoje negalima perkelti, nemokant neįperkamos kainos.

 

Kita vertus, D. Trumpas, kaip ne kartą skelbė, derėsis su Putinu virš ukrainiečių ir europiečių galvų, kad konfliktas būtų baigtas. Kažką panašaus jis padarė ir ankstesniu savo pirmininkavimu Dohos derybose, dėl kurių JAV ir jos Europos sąjungininkės skubiai pasitraukė iš Afganistano. Europiečiai neatliko jokio vaidmens Dohos derybose; jiems pasisekė, jei jiems buvo pranešta apie jų rezultatus.

 

Transatlantinių Vakarų pabaiga

 

Ukraina yra viena, JAV branduolinio saugumo garantija Europai – kita. Net jei prezidentas Trumpas jų neatšauktų, JAV ir Rusijai derantis virš europiečių galvų Europoje būtų mažai pasitikėjimo Amerikos įsipareigojimų patikimumu. Kremliuje dar dažniau barškėtų branduolinis kardas, pareiškiant savo valią. Jei jie liktų tokie, kokie yra, europiečiai būtų tuo sužavėti ir prisitaikytų prie Kremliaus reikalavimų. Anksčiau ar vėliau tai būtų transatlantinių Vakarų pabaiga.

 

Kamala Harris neatlygintinai nepalaikys Amerikos saugumo garantijų Europai, bet, tikriausiai, skatins europiečius dalyvauti, užtikrinant Indo-Ramiojo vandenyno regioną. Europiečiai savo ruožtu turės apsispręsti, ar jie nori sukurti nuo JAV nepriklausomą saugumo architektūrą, ar kompensuos tolesnį JAV garantijų egzistavimą, suteikdami oro ir jūrų pajėgas Indo-Ramiojo vandenyno regionui apsaugoti. Abu europiečiams kainuos labai daug, o, be išlaidų, šiame sprendime įtakos turės ir pasitikėjimas atitinkamu JAV prezidentu. Tikėtina, kad klausimas „Trumpas ar Harris“ bus lemiamas.

 

Didžiausias skirtumas tarp Harris ir D. Trumpo slypi atitinkamame požiūryje į geopolitinius klausimus: Harris galima pasitikėti, kad ji su jos patarėjais sukurs „didžiąją strategiją“ ir jos laikysis. Didinga strategija, kuriai beveik nėra vokiško žodžio, yra visa apimanti politinė linija visoms „politikoms“ – nuo ​​ekonomikos ir kultūros politikos iki technologijų ir saugumo politikos – į kurią turi būti orientuotos politikos. Didžioji strategija nurodo, ką daryti konflikto atveju, net jei kai kurios  dalys nukreiptos kita kryptimi. Tai lemia tikslų eiliškumą.

 

Donaldas Trumpas negalės laikytis didžiosios strategijos, net jei aplinkiniai jam tai patars. Jis, kaip pats sako, yra „sandorių sudarytojas“. Tai reiškia, kad jis susitelkia į galimybes, kurios jam atrodo geros ir palankios, ir nesileidžia būti suvaržytas jokiomis, visa apimančiomis, strateginėmis gairėmis. Bet tai reiškia, kad negalite juo pasikliauti. Ir jei jis taps prezidentu, jis bus reikšmingas neapibrėžtumo šaltinis tarptautinei politikai“.

 

Harris toliau vestų Bideno liniją, skaldydama pasaulį, rizikuodama sukelti branduolinį Trečiąjį pasaulinį karą ir gyvybės Žemėje sunaikinimą.


Harris and Trump: Focus on China, not Europe

 

 "For the USA, the European allies will in any case become less important. The presidential election in November will only affect how quickly this alienation progresses - and how planned.

 

The Republican Donald Trump and the Democrat Kamala Harris are likely to be close to each other on one point: in the belief that the Indo-Pacific region and a powerful China within it will be the main geopolitical challenge facing the USA in the coming decades. The Atlantic region, and thus Europe, are therefore in the second row for the USA.

 

Although the two presidential candidates communicate this in very different ways, both assume that the Europeans themselves will have to bear the brunt of their security and will no longer be able to rely on the USA as a security guarantor in the future. The Europeans must prepare for this - regardless of which of the two candidates wins the election on November 5th.

 

The difference between the two lies in the way in which they will implement this basic conviction: in the long term and in close coordination with the Europeans, as is to be expected with Harris. or abruptly and suddenly, as is to be expected with Trump. Harris follows the idea that the USA needs allies in order to continue to act as a global actor and that the presence on the opposite Atlantic coast is indispensable for its security. 

 

Harris will, however, reduce the associated burdens in order to free up resources for the Indo-Pacific region.

 

With Trump, the idea of ​​​​dependence on allies is less pronounced. This was shown in his gruff behavior towards NATO partners during his presidency. With Trump, a rift between the USA and Europe cannot be ruled out, at least not if the Europeans do not dance to his tune.

 

The consequences for Ukraine

 

What does this mean for Ukraine? Harris is likely to be willing to continue to support Ukraine. She fears that a victorious President Vladimir Putin would become a constant source of unrest in Europe, which could repeatedly disrupt the desired American concentration on the Indo-Pacific region. In their view, Putin and others in Ukraine must learn that borders in Europe cannot be shifted without paying an unaffordable price.

 

Trump, on the other hand, will, as he has repeatedly announced, negotiate with Putin over the heads of the Ukrainians and the Europeans to end the war. He did something similar during his previous presidency in the Doha negotiations, which then led to the withdrawal of the USA and its European allies from Afghanistan. The Europeans played no role in the Doha negotiations; they were lucky if they were informed of their results.

 

The end of the transatlantic West

 

Ukraine is one thing, the US nuclear security guarantee for Europe is another. Even if a President Trump does not revoke it, there would be little confidence in the reliability of the American commitments once the USA and Russia negotiate over the heads of the Europeans. The Kremlin would rattle its nuclear sabre even more often when trying to enforce its own will. If the Europeans remained as they are now, they would be impressed and would meet the Kremlin's demands. Sooner or later, this would be the end of the transatlantic West.

 

Kamala Harris will not maintain the American security guarantees for Europe for free either, but will probably insist that the Europeans participate in securing the Indo-Pacific region. The Europeans, in turn, will have to decide whether they want to establish a security architecture independent of the USA or whether they want to pay for the continued existence of the US guarantees by providing air and naval forces to secure the Indo-Pacific. Both will cost the Europeans a lot, and in addition to the costs, trust in the respective US president will play a role in this decision. The question of "Trump or Harris" is likely to be the decisive factor.

 

The biggest difference between Harris and Trump lies in their respective approaches to geopolitical issues: Harris can be trusted to develop a "grand strategy" with her advisors and to follow it. A grand strategy, for which there is, tellingly, no German word, is the overarching political line that governs all "policies" - from economic and cultural policy to technology and security policy - and which the sub-policies must follow. A grand strategy specifies what is to be done in the event of a conflict, even if some of the policies are not consistently point in the same direction. It determines the order of priority of the goals.

 

Donald Trump will not be able to follow a grand strategy, even if those around him advise him to do so. He is, as he himself says, a "deal maker". That means he follows opportunities that seem good and favorable to him and does not allow himself to be bound by any overarching strategic guidelines. But that means that you cannot rely on him. And that means that if he becomes president, he will be a significant source of uncertainty for international politics."

 

Harris would continue to toe the Biden line, dividing the world, risking a nuclear World War III and the destruction of life on Earth.


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