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2024 m. balandžio 6 d., šeštadienis

Is it worth it for us to be happy about the settlement of the German brigade in Lithuania, after all, Hitler was not the only one who was terrible?

  "On January 12, the German government announced its intention to support Israel in the Palestinian genocide case brought by the Republic of South Africa (SAR) at the International Court of Justice (ICJ). In its accusations, the SAR claimed that Israel's current war in the Gaza Strip violates the United Nations Genocide Convention.

 

     Therefore, Germany expressed its desire to intervene in the case as a third party (according to Article 63 of the ICJ Statute) and resolutely rejected the accusations of the PAR, calling it a "political instrumentalization of the Genocide Convention that has no factual basis."

 

     This naturally provoked a sharp reaction from Namibian President Hage Geingob. Soc. on the X network, he "expressed great concern at Germany's shocking decision" and accused it of failing to learn from its history.

 

     "Germany cannot morally commit to the UN Genocide Convention, including atonement for the genocide in Namibia, while supporting the equivalent of the Holocaust and the genocide in Gaza." The answer was not long in coming.

 

     "We reject the historical comparison between the Holocaust and the actions in Gaza," emphasized the representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Christian Wagner. He was supported by Christian Democratic Party member Anette Widmann-Mauz, who told Deutsche Welle: "our history obliges us to assume a special responsibility, so Germany must support Israel."

 

     However, the President of Namibia gave Germany a painful sting, accusing it of the first of 20th century execution of genocide. And while many German politicians are annoyed by this, Bundestag member Sevima Dagdelena thinks otherwise. She does not blame Namibia for the criticism. "The direct insult of the German government by dismissing South Africa's actual complaint is an example of Western ignorance and the arrogance of neo-colonialism," she told DW.

 

     The politician, who for years campaigned for Germany to recognize its colonial crimes, now says that the validity of the case is determined by the ICJ, not the German Foreign Ministry. Namibia has always expressed solidarity with the Palestinians because it has a similar history. "If there is oppression, colonization or imperialist tendencies, the Namibian government tends to publicize it," says Rakkel Andreas, a Namibian political analyst.

 

     Chancellor of the newly created German Empire, Ott von Bismarck, convened an international conference in Berlin in 1884 November 15. Representatives of 13 European countries (except Switzerland), the United States and the Ottoman Empire sat around the horseshoe-shaped table. In the background hung a huge map of Africa, which was their destination. In the cartoons of the time, the delegates are depicted leaning over the map and armed with rulers drawing the borders of the colonies, hardly imagining who lives in those lands.

 

     But this is a myth! In reality, there was no scrambling or map-drawing. But the conference did something much worse, the consequences of which are still being felt today. It laid down the rules for the conquest and partition of Africa, legitimizing the idea of Africa as a playground for foreigners and the expropriation of its natural resources. American journalist Daniel De Leon described the conference as "a unique event in political history... Outwardly diplomatic, but actually economic."

 

     This is how colonialism prevailed in almost all of Africa (up to 1902, 90%). Over the course of several decades, the German Empire subdued the present-day states of Burundi, Cameroon, Namibia, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Togo. However, the principle of effective occupation stated that the government can acquire the right in colonies only in two cases: when it physically owns colonies or carries out effective occupation (concludes contracts with local leaders, establishes an administration).

 

     Germany hastened to take advantage of this, because in Africa they were only engaged in missionary activities among the Herera, Nama, Damara and Sana tribes. The breakthrough occurred in May, 1883, when businessman Adolf Lüderitz bought a stretch of beach from Joseph Frederiks II, chief of the Nama tribe. Three months later, the commander sold him another 140 km, between the Orange River and Angra Pequenos Bay. In this way, the German acquired the rights to a strategically important natural harbor and named the area Lüderitzland.

 

     However, the treaty was fraudulent because the holding included "20 geographical miles" (1 German mile = 7.5 km), a term the commander was unaware of. In other words, the German got three times more area than agreed. Later, the protectorate of the German Empire (German South-West Africa) was established here.

 

     It was the only German overseas territory suitable for Europeans to live in, although there was a constant simmering of tribal disputes. In 1885 October 21 Herer leader Maherero signed a protection agreement with the head of the colonies, Heinrich Ernst Goering (father of the Nazi leader Herman Goering). And in 1890 The Treaty of Heligoland-Zanzibar (with the British) gave Germany access to the Zambezi River. So it acquired more and more lands, almost without interfering in ethnic conflicts. 

 

The rapid expansion forced the tribes to resist, so in 1895 Berlin sent the Schutztruppe (engl. protection force) to protect German interests in the region and suppress rebellions against the administration.

 

     The newcomers imagined an "African Germany" dominated by whites, and the natives driven to reservations. The authorities openly encouraged the confiscation of tribal lands, livestock, and the enslavement of people. In addition, racial tensions prevailed. Blacks were nicknamed "baboons" and women were considered concubines who could be sexually exploited by Europeans in the practice of "Verkafferung".

 

     In 1912 intermarriage is prohibited in German colonies to limit the number of "degenerate Europeans". One missionary wrote: “The settlers are of the opinion that the natives have a right to exist only in so far as they are useful to the whites. This feeling encouraged the settlers to commit violence against the Herero."

 

     This is illustrated by the "Dietrich case" (1903), when a farmer tried to rape and shot the daughter-in-law of the Herera chief, but the court acquitted him. Hereland then debated "do whites have the right to shoot local women?" After Governor Theodore Leutwein intervened, the verdict was appealed and this time Dietrich was found guilty. This angered the settlers, who called the governor a "race traitor".

 

      5 thousand settlers owned 250 thousand locals in 1900.

 

     However, the Herero uprising was sparked by the construction of the railway and a new financial reform. Until 1903 the Herers had already transferred a quarter of their 130,000 square kilometers to the Germans of their territory, so when they heard that the new Otavi railway line, which was supposed to go from the coast to the settlements, would divide their lands, they got angry. After its completion, a new wave of Europeans would flood the colonies. In addition, it was planned to establish reservations.

 

     In 1903 a new debt collection policy has been enacted. The Hereras were used to borrowing from the colonists at high interest rates. The debts have not been collected for a long time, so the head of the colonies decided to cancel them. But in the absence of cash, the merchants began to confiscate Herero cattle and valuables. Thus it became clear that the government cares more about lenders than borrowers.

 

     So the Herers led by Samuel Maharer revolted. In  January 12, 1904 troops invaded Okahandja, one of the largest German settlements, and massacred 120 settlers. Such a sight shocked the German forces. The Herers were soon joined by a house led by Hendrik Witbooi. The rebellion spread across the region, but despite initial success, soon met with a German response.

 

     T. Leutwein managed to trap the Herer forces on the Waterberg Plateau and start negotiations. But the slow progress disappointed Berlin, as the Kaiser saw the uprising as a personal affront. So in May, Lieutenant General Lothar von Trotha, who had recently suppressed the Chinese Boxer Rebellion, was appointed as the head of the colonies. He immediately adopted aggressive tactics. 3-5 thousand of Herero fighters were killed during the Battle of Waterberg, while the rest retreated to the Omahekê desert. The Schutztruppe was ordered to pursue the fugitives. Thousands of Herero were shot, died of hunger, thirst or drinking well water poisoned by the Germans.

 

     L. von Trotha called this kind of cruelty "the beginning of the racial struggle". October 2 he issued a law: "Armed or unarmed Herer men caught on the German border will be shot. I will return the women and children to the desert or let them be shot." A month later, Berlin reversed the decision and ordered the fugitives to be imprisoned in concentration camps.

 

     In Namibia, the Germans established five concentration camps, where those brought were divided into two groups - fit for work or unfit for work. They were issued death certificates in advance stating that the person "died of exhaustion". This was not surprising, food rations (a handful of uncooked rice) were small, unsanitary conditions, hard work and infectious diseases prevailed. Mortality in the camps reached 45-74 percent. The most horrible place was in 1905 Africa's first "Death Camp" was established on Shark Island.

 

     German political scientist Henning Melber calls it the "Auschwitz of Africa", following the model of which the Nazis later established similar camps in Europe. The crisp weather made the island unsuitable for people accustomed to a dry and hot climate. Nevertheless, the prisoners were used here for the construction of the Lüderitz-Aus railway. The very name of the island caused fear, so many Hereras killed themselves before being moved. But what was so terrible about it?

 

     Men were shot or died of exhaustion. The fate of women was more tragic. They were raped, forced to pull wagons with their bare hands or hanged naked from trees. According to Sima Luipert, adviser to the Nama Traditional Leaders Association (NTLA), "camp authorities rented out women to companies or settlers who paid to the administration of Germany”. This was the fate of S. Luipert's great-grandmother, who was "rented" to a settler, suffered physical and sexual violence and eventually became pregnant. Camp rider Percival Griffith, interviewed by South Africa's Cape Argus, said: "The women were hardly given anything to eat, and I saw them picking up other people's waste. If she was caught, she would be whipped."

 

     A sjambok (a heavy leather whip made of hippopotamus or rhinoceros skin) was used for punishments, with which, according to rider Johann Noothout, "pieces of flesh that bounced off the body floated in the air." Mr Griffith recalled: “I once saw a woman carrying a child on her back and a heavy sack of grain on her head... she fell. The corporal beat her with a sjamboku for more than 4 minutes. Then she got up and left without saying a word, only the child cried a lot." One of the first civilians to visit the camp, August Kuhlmann, was shocked by the images: "a woman who was so weak due to illness that she could not stand, was crawling around begging other prisoners for water. The caretaker fired five shots at her ... she died during the night.' But that wasn't the worst yet.

 

     On the "Island of Death" the Germans conducted medical experiments. They were performed with people by dr. Hugo Bofinger. After coming to the medical post, the bacteriologist secretly infected the scurvy-affected Herers with tuberculosis, smallpox, typhus or injected them with arsenic. The effect of substances on the body was studied by H. Bofinger during the autopsy. Not only that, the heads of the dead were cut off and sent to the anatomical institute in Berlin.

 

     Before transportation, women were told to cut heads of the corpses (often relatives, friends) and shave their skin. Zoologist Leonhard Schultz said he had "obtained body parts from fresh local corpses", which he said was a "welcome addition". More than 300 skulls were collected and studied by prof. of medicine and anthropology. Eugen Fischer (later a member of the Nazi Party). Thus, hereras and names are used as raw material for eugenics (pseudo-science) research to prove the supremacy of the white race.

 

     According to H. Melber, "thousands of skeletons are still stored in German museums and hospitals". Dead prisoners useless for science were buried on the coast or thrown into the sea to sharks. By 1908, when the "Death Camp" was closed, 80 percent had been killed of hereres and 10 percent names (a total of 100,000 during the period of colonialism). So historians compare it to the Holocaust.

 

     No written orders from Kaiser Wilhelm II concerning the massacres in Africa have survived. This is caused by the 1945 bombing of Berlin, when Allied aircraft destroyed a building where Prussian documents were kept. However, the surviving fragments show that L. von Trotha regularly sent reports to Berlin.

 

     Therefore, historian Jeremy-Sarkin Hughes believes that the Kaiser may have given him verbal orders. The hypothesis is based on the fact that in 1905 November 2 the general was awarded the Pour le Mérite in Africa, not convicted.

 

     In addition, Genocide historian Tonis Barta stated that the massacre of Herers inspired Adolf Hitler to exterminate Jews and Roma. According to Ugandan anthropologist Mahmood Mamdani, the links between the Hereri genocide and the Holocaust are not limited to the politics of extermination and the establishment of concentration camps, but have an ideological foundation.

 

     This is evidenced by L. von Trotha's phrase: "I destroy the African tribes with rivers of blood... Only after this cleansing can something new emerge." Therefore, the academician sees the similarity of the goals of the general and the Nazis, based on the social Darwinist concept of "cleansing", after which "something new will emerge". Unfortunately, the behavior of the German Empire in Africa is still shadowed by Nazism.

 

     The discovery of diamonds in Namibia in 1908 made the colony an economic target. The Germans quickly created a global diamond culture that lives on even today, as the fashion for professing love to give a ring with this precious stone was born. At the height of the trade, the German Empire controlled 30 percent world diamond markets.

 

     With the outbreak of the Great War, the front shifted to Africa, where the Germans clashed with the British in 1915. With the defeat of the Schutztruppe, South West Africa became part of the British Empire. But even after changing the owners, the Herera remained in the reservates, and the territory was managed according to the system of racial segregation in force in South Africa. Namibia gained independence in March 21, 1990.

 

    The UN Whitaker report called the Herera and Nama in 1985 massacres the first case of genocide in the 20th century. 2011-2018 The Charité Museum of the History of Medicine and the University of Freiburg returned some of the skulls, full of skeletons and fragments of bones and skin, that had been kept in storage.

 

     Although this is only a small part of the remains of Africans kept in these institutions. "Initiatives of Black People in Germany" by Jeannine Kantara in 2022 stated: "the repatriation of people who were murdered and abducted during the German colonial period does not erase the crimes committed". Germany officially admitted in May 28, 2021 that it committed genocide in Namibia and promised to pay 1.1 billion EUR over 30 years as compensation (for infrastructure, health care, training programs).

 

     However, the descendants of the victims are not happy with the apology. Hamburg University Prof. Jürgen Zimmerer is convinced that many people feel left out. "It is a problem if reconciliation is sought," he said. - "But how to reconcile with the victims, if they are pushed out of the process?" So the tribes want a tripartite, but not a bilateral agreement.

 

     In addition, they want to receive the money themselves, not through institutions. For example, Berlin's reparations to Israel amount to 80 billion. EUR, including 29 billion euros paid directly to Holocaust victims and their relatives. However, Berlin avoids applying this plan to the Herers.

 

     "If we want to be noticed," says S. Luipert, "Germany must sit down with us at the common table." We will be like a mirror that Berlin is afraid to look into because it will see its own deeds. The collective German psyche is not ready for this."

 

     This can also be seen in the text of the declaration, where there is no word "reparations" and the allocated funds are called "grant". The wording suggests that "Germany is giving compensation voluntarily, not compensating for damages," said lawyer Karina Theurer.

 

     But why are reparations feared? According to H. Melber, "the Germans committed crimes throughout Europe during the war, so if they paid reparations to Namibia, it would become a legal precedent for other countries to demand the same." And where else is the return of confiscated Herero lands. Today, Namibian Germans make up 2%  of the country's population, but controls 70 percent of land. Not only do they not want to return it to the tribes, but they deny even the very fact of genocide.

 

     Signs of colonialism abound in Namibia. In "Little Germany", as the Swakopmund resort is called, there are German-style houses, monuments dedicated to the "heroes" of colonialism and illuminated German signs. Many streets have retained their old names, e.g. Wilhelm II, O. von Bismarck.

 

     "This is how the German community tries to preserve its heritage," says Norbert Sadlowski, whose idealized copy of the Schutztruppe sculpture adorned the capital city of Windhoek (until 2013) in the courtyard of his inn. Meanwhile, the sites of the former "Death Camps" and the Herera graves scattered in the desert receive little respect due to the indifference and corruption of the Namibian government. So volunteers have to take care of the memory of the "forgotten genocide"."

 

  

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