Hitler's People

"Hitler's People

By Richard J. Evans

Penguin Press, 624 pages, $35

Re-examining the Third Reich remains, even now, essential. Its lessons are too important to be deemed safely settled. But when Richard Evans argues that the task has "gained new urgency and importance" due to the emergence of "strongmen and would-be dictators" within the world's democracies "since shortly after the beginning of the twenty-first century," he risks trivializing past horrors by wielding them as a weapon in the current debate over populism.

"Hitler's People" is nonetheless a fascinating and instructive book. Mr. Evans, a distinguished historian best known for his works on Nazi Germany, revisits the topic, but from a fresh, "biographical" angle. The book comprises an elegantly written and perceptive series of "interlinked biographical essays and reflections on individual personalities" from the era, and Mr. Evans's portrait of Hitler doubles as an excellent, if necessarily brief, introduction to the Nazis' rise and fall.

There is nothing remotely exculpatory in Mr. Evans's accounts of any of the Nazis he describes, but they are humanized in a way that would have been, he acknowledges, "unfashionable" for many years. Too close a focus on the personalities of the regime's leaders risked, it was feared, reviving the idea of "great men" as shapers of history, an idea that under Hitler had led to catastrophe. Others worried that an overemphasis on the few would let the many off the hook.

But old caricatures of the leading Nazis as little more than madmen, psychopaths or degenerates are misleading, though they probably saved Albert Speer's life at Nuremberg, enabling a rehabilitation of sorts -- as the "good Nazi" -- after his release. He was, as Mr. Evans explains, wrongly regarded as too cultivated, too intelligent, too (seemingly) repentant to have been like the others. "Hitler's People" shows that there was more to the Nazi leaders, and those below them, than the caricatures suggest. Understanding who they were matters: "They were, after all, individuals, often with sharply delineated personalities, whose thoughts and actions had a material effect" with, all too often, hideous consequences.

Moreover, the belief (rejected by Mr. Evans) that those lower down the ranks, who went along or worse, were "automata deprived of the power of judgment and just doing what they were told" bears no resemblance to an infinitely more complicated and disturbing truth. Nor can such people be dismissed as outliers. There were far too many of them in Germany -- and in the countries that fell into the Reich's grasp -- for that to be plausible, which raises troubling questions about the nature of humanity itself, even before considering the last century's other totalitarian nightmares; there are warnings embedded within those times and places too.

Mr. Evans begins, naturally enough, with Hitler. A telling anecdote from early in his career illustrates how, although imprisoned (rather comfortably) after the failure of his beer-hall putsch in 1923, he was still burnishing his image as the man apart, in this case by not participating in any sports or games: "A leader . . . cannot afford to be beaten by members of his retinue." And yet he was no loner. "Behind the scenes," the author writes, "he craved human company."

Mr. Evans then turns to the Fuhrer's immediate circle of subordinates, Goring, Goebbels and so on -- the usual suspects. After that come "the enablers and executors of Nazi ideology," from Hans Frank, "the king of Poland" (to borrow Goebbels's jibe) presiding over his domain from Krakow's Wawel Castle, to Julius Streicher, the editor and publisher of the viciously antisemitic Der Sturmer. Bringing up the rear are "a variety of lower-level perpetrators and instruments of the regime," including the filmmaker Leni Riefenstahl, who would not have appreciated such a modest ranking (at least prior to 1945); Karl Brandt, a doctor who did a great deal of harm; and most unexpectedly of all, Luise Solmitz, rescued from obscurity by her extensive diaries.

Solmitz was a Hamburg schoolteacher of conservative, nationalist sympathies. Never a Nazi Party member, she was caught up in the fervor at the beginning of Hitler's ascendancy, taking part in a torchlit parade "as if drunk with enthusiasm." Her husband, Friedrich, a retired major, shared her politics and her Protestantism but was of Jewish descent. The duo ignored the implications of this as much as they could and as long as they could. In 1935, Luise wrote enthusiastically about Hitler's reversal of the "disgrace of 1918."

Anger over Germany's defeat in World War I (and the terms of the peace treaty that formally concluded it) is one thread that connects the subjects Mr. Evans profiles. It was felt most fiercely by those who had fought and reinforced when they came home to an empire that had become a republic, soon to be shorn of territory and the vast majority of its armed forces. The conservative and militaristic values of the country for which they had gone to war appeared to be in the process of being consigned to the past. Inflation was accelerating. Meanwhile, communism -- another force out to destroy Weimar's democracy -- was on the march. Over time, the Communist Party helped undermine the republic both directly and, through the fear it aroused in the middle class, by becoming one of Hitler's most effective recruiting agents.

Another link between a good number of those portrayed in "Hitler's People" is the depth of their antisemitic obsession. Its origins lay in the widespread but relatively lowkey antisemitism of the Kaiser's day, but it took a more virulent form in response to the need for a scapegoat for Germany's defeat. This transformation was intensified still further by the belief that "world Jewry" was behind the Bolsheviks, a conspiracy theory spread by refugees from Russia's shattered empire. These included Alfred Rosenberg, a Baltic German who became a key Nazi ideologue. After 1945, the conventional wisdom was that Rosenberg's influence had been overstated, but Mr. Evans maintains this is incorrect, arguing that Rosenberg's writings provided a "systematic underpinning for the antisemitism of the Nazi Party." Ever more toxic, the poison spread.

---

Mr. Stuttaford is the editor of National Review's Capital Matters." [1]

1. Portraits Of the Reich. Stuttaford, Andrew.  Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 05 Sep 2024: A.13.

 

Teisingas būdas yra mokytis iš Kinijos: Kinija stiprina ryšius su Afrika

 „Kinijos lyderis Xi Jinpingas šią savaitę naudojasi trijų dienų viršūnių susitikimu su Afrikos lyderiais, kad sustiprintų politinius ir ekonominius santykius su žemynu, nepaisant įtampos dėl skolų, kelerius metus mažėjančio finansavimo ir platesnio susirūpinimo dėl Kinijos ekonomikos.

 

 Xi raginimas solidarizuotis ir bendradarbiauti tarp besivystančių šalių yra žinomas, tačiau šią savaitę jis jį padarė skubiau, nurodydamas pasaulinę „per šimtmetį nematytą transformaciją“ – mėgstamą posakį, signalizuojantį apie daugiapolio pasaulio iškilimą, kurį, JAV vadovaujami, Vakarai. nebedominuoja.

 

 Jo pastabos buvo pateiktos prieš Kinijos ir Afrikos bendradarbiavimo forumą – eilinį aukščiausiojo lygio susitikimą, kuris yra pirmasis aukšto lygio asmeninis Kinijos ir Afrikos susitikimas po pandemijos. 

 

Daugiau, nei dvi dešimtys Afrikos lyderių išvyko į Pekiną.

 

 Kinija prisistatė besivystančių šalių čempione, pabrėždama savo įsipareigojimų stabilumą ir propaguodama savo modernizavimo, saugumo ir tarptautinių santykių idėjas. Ji taip pat siekė Afrikos šalių paramos, sprendžiant tarptautiniu mastu ginčytinus klausimus, tokius, kaip Taivano statusas.

 

 Afrikos žemynas atstovauja 54 balsams Jungtinėse Tautose, o Kinija pripažįsta, kad tiek daug šalių remiama tarptautinėje arenoje, atrodo gerai, sakė Hannah Ryder, į Afriką orientuotos konsultacinės įmonės Development Reimagined vadovė.

 

 Daugelis Afrikos lyderių ir piliečių buvo imlūs Pekino žinutėms ir laiko Kiniją sektinu pavyzdžiu jos ekonominiam vystymuisi ir šimtams milijonų žmonių išbristi iš skurdo. 2024 m. atlikta Pew apklausa parodė, kad dauguma respondentų Ganoje, Kenijoje, Nigerijoje ir Pietų Afrikoje manė, kad Kinija ir jos įmonės daro teigiamą poveikį jų ekonomikai.

 

 Tuo pačiu metu dėl aukštų pasaulinių palūkanų normų ir ilgesnio laikotarpio Vakarų pagalbos vystymuisi mažėjimo daugeliui Afrikos šalių liko nedaug alternatyvų didesniam Kinijos finansavimui. Afrikos lyderiai „nori daugiau įsitraukti, o ne mažiau“, sakė Ryder.

 

 Pietų Afrikos prezidentas Cyril Ramaphosa, kurio šalis turi mažai Kinijos skolų, bet yra didžiausia Pekino prekybos partnerė Afrikoje, antradienį, prieš viršūnių susitikimą lankydamasis šiame Kinijos mieste, išreiškė susižavėjimą Šendženo pavertimu pasauliniu technologijų centru.

 

 „Kaip Pietų Afrika, turime svarbių pamokų iš Šendženo“, – vietos verslo lyderiams sakė Ramaphosa. „Plėtodami savo ekonomiką vertiname patarimus, paramą ir techninę pagalbą planavimo, infrastruktūros ir įgūdžių tobulinimo srityse."

 

 Kinija yra didžiausia Afrikos dvišalės prekybos partnerė, kurios prekybos apimtys 2023 m. pasiekė istorinę rekordą – 282 mlrd. dolerių.

 

 Tačiau pusiausvyra yra iškreipta į Kiniją, kuriai Afrika sudaro mažiau, nei 5% pasaulinės prekybos.

 

 Kai kurie analitikai teigia, kad prekybos deficitas gali išaugti artimiausiu metu, nes Kinijos gamintojai, susidūrę su lėtėjančia šalies ekonomika ir Vakarų tarifais elektra varomoms transporto priemonėms, plienui ir kitiems gaminiams, siekia plėsti eksportą į vidutines pajamas gaunančias ir kylančios ekonomikos šalis.

 

 Kai kas baiminasi, kad pastangos iškrauti kai kuriuos Kinijos perteklinius pajėgumus gali pakenkti Afrikos šalių siekiui pereiti vertės grandinėje nuo žaliavų eksporto iki gatavų prekių gamybos. Kai kurios žemyno vyriausybės tiria veiksmus, kaip daugiau apdoroti namuose.

 

 Pirmadienį susitikime su Xi Ramaphosa pareiškė, kad Pietų Afrika, pagrindinė aukso, platinos ir mangano eksportuotoja, nori sumažinti prekybos su Kinija deficitą ir pakeisti abiejų šalių prekybos struktūrą. „Raginame tvaresnę gamybą ir investicijas į darbo vietas“, – sakė jis.

 

 Zimbabvė praėjusiais metais įvedė neapdoroto ličio eksporto draudimus, priversdama Kinijos įmones ten gryninti ličio junginius.

 

 Xi sakė, kad Kinija atsižvelgia į šiuos reikalavimus ir pasakė Ramaphosa, kad Pekinas paspartins savo profesinio mokymo programas ir pasiūlys daugiau stipendijų Pietų Afrikos studentams. Kinija yra antra pagal populiarumą afrikiečių aukštojo mokslo šalis po Prancūzijos.

 

 Pastaraisiais metais Pekinas atmetė Vakarų vyriausybių teiginius, kad infrastruktūros paskolos pagal iniciatyvą „Belt and Road“ pastūmėjo Afrikos šalis į „skolų spąstus“, nurodydamas skolas, kurias tos pačios šalys prisiėmė, pardavinėdamos obligacijas Volstryto investuotojams. Nepaisant to, Kinijos valstybiniai bankai sumažino paskolų teikimą žemyno vyriausybėms, nerimaujant dėl ​​rizikos, kurią jų balansui gali kelti daugiau Afrikos vyriausybių, nevykdančių įsipareigojimų." [1]

1.  World News: China Strengthens Ties With Africa. Sha Hua; Steinhauser, Gabriele.  Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 05 Sep 2024: A.7.

The Right Way is to Learn from China: China Strengthens Ties With Africa

"Chinese leader Xi Jinping is using a three-day summit with African leaders this week to solidify political and economic relations with the continent, despite tensions over debt, several years of declining financing and broader concerns over China's economy.

Xi's call for solidarity and cooperation between developing countries is familiar, but he made it with greater urgency this week, citing a global "transformation unseen in a century" -- a favored catchphrase signaling the rise of a multipolar world that the U.S.-led West no longer dominates.

His remarks came ahead of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, a regular summit that represents the first high-level, in-person meeting between China and Africa since the pandemic. More than two dozen African leaders have made the trip to Beijing.

China has cast itself as a champion of developing countries, emphasizing the stability of its commitment and promoting its ideas of modernization, security and international relations. It also has sought African nations' support for internationally contentious issues such as the status of Taiwan.

The African continent represents 54 votes at the United Nations, and China recognizes that having the backing of so many countries looks good on the international stage, said Hannah Ryder, chief executive of Development Reimagined, an Africa-focused consulting firm.

Many African leaders and citizens have been receptive to Beijing's messaging and see China as a role model for its economic development and lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. A Pew survey in 2024 found that most respondents in Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa thought China and its companies had a positive impact on their economy.

At the same time, high global interest rates and a longer-term decline in Western development aid have left many African countries with few alternatives to more Chinese funding. African leaders "want more engagement, not less," said Ryder.

South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, whose country has little Chinese debt but is Beijing's largest trading partner in Africa, expressed admiration for Shenzhen's transformation into a global technology hub during a visit to the Chinese city on Tuesday ahead of the summit.

"As South Africa, we have important lessons to learn from Shenzhen," Ramaphosa told local business leaders. "As we work to develop our economy, we value advice, support and technical assistance in planning, infrastructure and skills development."

China is Africa's largest bilateral trade partner, with trade volumes reaching a historic high of $282 billion in 2023, up from $12 billion at the turn of the millennium.

But the balance is skewed toward China, for whom Africa makes up less than 5% of its global trade. While manufactured goods dominate China's $173 billion in exports to Africa, the majority of Africa's $109 billion in exports to China are commodities, including the minerals and metals needed for clean-energy technologies such as batteries.

Some analysts say the trade deficit could grow in the short term, as Chinese manufacturers -- faced with a slowing economy at home and Western tariffs on electric vehicles, steel and other products -- aim to expand exports to middle-income and emerging countries.

Some fear that efforts to unload some of China's excess capacity could undermine African nations' bid to move up the value chain from exporting raw materials to making finished goods. Some governments on the continent are exploring steps to keep more processing at home.

In a meeting with Xi on Monday, Ramaphosa said South Africa, a major exporter of gold, platinum and manganese, wanted to narrow its trade deficit with China and change the structure of the two countries' commerce. "We urge for more sustainable manufacturing and job-creating investments," he said.

Zimbabwe last year imposed export bans on unprocessed lithium, effectively forcing Chinese companies to refine lithium there.

Xi said China is heeding these demands and told Ramaphosa that Beijing would accelerate its vocational-training programs and offer more scholarships to South African students. China is the second-most-popular higher-education destination for Africans after France.

In recent years, Beijing has rejected claims by Western governments that infrastructure loans under the Belt and Road Initiative pushed African nations into a "debt trap," pointing to the debts the same countries took on by selling bonds to Wall Street investors. Nevertheless, Chinese state banks have cut back on lending to governments on the continent amid worries about the risk to their balance sheets from more African governments defaulting." [1]

1.  World News: China Strengthens Ties With Africa. Sha Hua; Steinhauser, Gabriele.  Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 05 Sep 2024: A.7.