Caught in the Diurnal Course

 

"The Inner Clock

By Lynne Peeples

Riverhead, 368 pages, $30

One summer evening in 1986, 33-year-old Derek Naysmith was setting up a fireworks display. In a split second, everything went wrong: A firework exploded in his face. He was rushed to the hospital, but there was nothing the doctors could do to save his eyes. Damaged beyond hope of repair, they had to be removed.

Such a horrific accident was sure to have consequences. There would be reconstructive surgery, followed by the adaptations required for sightless living. But for Mr. Naysmith, something else went awry: He couldn't sleep at night. A month after the accident, Mr. Naysmith's sleeping schedule was at odds with those of his wife, children and much of the diurnal (that is, night-sleeping) world. Yet he wasn't thriving as a nocturnal person, either. "With the loss of his eyes," writes Lynne Peeples in "The Inner Clock: Living in Sync With Our Circadian Rhythms," Mr. Naysmith had become "time blind." He had lost the ability to "reset his inner clocks" to the sun.

When Earth was first formed out of cataclysmic dust, heat and gasses about 4 1/2 billion years ago, the daily rotation of the planet took six hours. By the time the earliest microbial forms of life emerged at least three billion years ago, things finally settled into a 24-hour day -- and we've been here ever since. We scarcely give a thought to these astronomical features, but our planet's orbit, the moon's gravitational pull, the tilt of our axis and those precious 24-hour cycles are intimately bound up with all existence -- including our own. Ms. Peeples, a science journalist, explains that early organisms had to "anticipate the sun's position" and "optimize their journeys to appropriately avoid or reap its rays." To do that, they developed a means of sensing wavelengths of light -- especially blue, which penetrates deepest into the ocean. And so the earliest organisms learned to calculate time by photons. In other words, life could track both time and color before the development of eyes. Daylight and Earth's 24-hour clock are at the very heart of evolution.

"The Inner Clock" offers a rich history of what makes us tick, so to speak, paired with fascinating modern discoveries about how circadian rhythms influence our daily lives. We now understand that sleepless nights erode our health, leading to an increased risk of diabetes, obesity, heart disease, depression and more. We've also learned how to optimize our biological clocks: There are "right" times of day to take medicine, pass tests, exercise and eat. Our ancestors were not meant to be up and working after dark, and so we have digestive systems designed for lengthy downtime; even our gut flora rhythmically fluctuate during the day. Time-restricted eating has been called a life-giver, a means of enhancing longevity. Which is why a pizza at midnight is never a good idea.

Ms. Peeples reminds us of the popular adage "eat like a king in the morning, a prince at noon, and a peasant at dinner." (It's often paired, usually by well-meaning parents and grandparents, with other pearls, like "early to bed and early to rise. . . .") Some of this received wisdom appears to be correct after all. The author cites studies demonstrating that those who eat large meals early in the day have lower blood-sugar levels than those who eat lightly until dinner. Meanwhile, insulin sensitivity is 54% higher at midday than at midnight. That doesn't mean we should gorge in the morning; the melatonin that our bodies release to help us sleep needs time to metabolize and clear our system; otherwise, we risk confusing our inner clock and throwing off our circadian rhythms.

It's not just about being tired. Disruptions to our sleep and wake cycles can lead to inflammation, making us prone to a host of autoimmune conditions. (The World Health Organization has even declared night-shift work "probably carcinogenic," or potentially causing cancer.) The reason is less about sleep and more about misaligned clocks. Ms. Peeples explains that our circadian rhythms are so timed with the Earth's cycle that even in studies conducted in complete darkness, most people still operate on a 24-hour (or nearly 24-hour) cycle. Our primary or core clock seems to be located inside our brains and generally set by our eyes as they register wavelengths of light. But we do have other clocks, including ones in our liver and our digestive system. Some of the worst effects of disrupted circadian rhythms -- something Ms. Peeples calls "social jet lag" -- have to do with the clocks falling out of sync. One theory suggests that hangovers may be a timing problem, as a sleep-deprived brain and an overworked liver struggle to reconnect.

Ms. Peeples's conversational, often humorous style is a delight, and she frequently offers herself as a test subject by climbing into lightless bunkers or forgoing her morning cup of coffee. "The Inner Clock" provides advice on how to reset and restore our internal rhythms; it also sounds a timely warning. Most of us live, work and play under artificial light. From the blue-tinged screens that we stare at well into the night to the light-emitting diodes (LEDs) that can mimic daylight, all this false daylight hijacks our circadian rhythm, scrambling our production of melatonin and leaving us in a state of protracted jet lag. As we have lost the division between night and day, no wonder many of us struggle to establish a sense of internal time. As we approach yet another seasonal "time change," we are well overdue to resynchronize. "The Inner Clock" attempts to show us how.

---

Ms. Schillace, the editor in chief of the journal Medical Humanities, is the host of the "Peculiar Book Club" podcast and the author of "Mr. Humble and Dr. Butcher."" [1]

1. Caught in the Diurnal Course. Schillace, Brandy.  Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 01 Nov 2024: A.13.

 

Postindustriniai Vakarai: Kinijos pažanga atskleidžia JAV tiekimo linijos silpnumą

  „SCOTT AIR FORCE BAZE, Ill. – Amerikos kovines pajėgas reikia pakelti.

 

 Kas dvi savaites nuo praėjusių metų pabaigos čia pareigūnai šaukia įslaptintą žvalgybos instruktažą apie kovas Raudonojoje jūroje. Dalyviai nėra politikai, politikos formuotojai ar šnipai. Jie yra privatūs laivybos vadovai.

 

 Šie susitikimai yra Pentagono Transporto vadovybės arba Transcom pastangos įtraukti siuntėjus, kaip krizių tiekimo linijas.

 

 Ši politika kyla iš didžiulio poreikio nemylimame, bet gyvybiškai svarbiame Amerikos karinio begemoto kampelyje. Atstovų Rūmų atrankos komitetas vasario mėnesį pavadino „Transcom“ jūrų krovinių gabenimo pajėgumus „apgailėtinai netinkamais“.

 

 JAV daug investuoja į naujas ginklų sistemas, tačiau raketos, karo laivai ir reaktyviniai naikintuvai yra tik dalis to, dėl ko kariškiai nerimauja. Į mūšį siunčiamiems, kariams taip pat reikia maisto ir vandens. Jų įranga ryja degalus ir atsargines dalis. Pistoletai be šovinių yra negyvas svoris. Sužeistus kovotojus reikia evakuoti.

 

 Viso to perkėlimas ir atsargų srautas ištisus mėnesius ar metus reikalauja didžiulės ir sudėtingos paramos infrastruktūros, plačiai vadinamos logistika. Jei ji neveiks, net ir mūšyje patikrintos pajėgos sustos.

 

 „Logistika garantuoja viską“, – sakė Jacqueline Van Ovost, neseniai išėjusi iš „Transcom“ vado pareigų. „Jūs negalite aplenkti savo logistikos“.

 

 Kinijos kilimas atskleidė Amerikos laivybos silpnumą. Pekinas yra ne tik didžiausias Vašingtono karinis varžovas. Tai taip pat didžiausia pasaulyje logistikos operacija.

 

 Centralizuotai nukreiptoje Kinijos ekonomikoje vyriausybė kontroliuoja komercinius siuntėjus, užsienio uostų įrenginius ir, visą pasaulį apimantį, krovinių duomenų tinklą, kuris konflikto metu gali būti panaudotas kariniams tikslams arba pakenkti JAV, taip pat ir mūsų šalyje.

 

 Tuo tarpu „Transcom“ lėktuvų ir krovininių laivų parkas sensta ir yra nepakankamas.

 

 Kilus konfliktui su Kinija, Pentagonas maždaug 90% savo atsargų siųstų jūra. Iš 44 vyriausybei priklausančių transporto priemonių judėjimo laivų, kuriuos „Transcom“ gali naudoti, 28 išeis į pensiją per aštuonerius metus. Pakeitimai buvo pakartotinai vėluojami.

 

 „Tai nėra toks seksualus dalykas, kaip B-1“ bombonešis“, – sakė Van Ovost, oro pajėgose tarnavus 36 metus, apie tai, kaip Vašingtono pareigūnai nustato išlaidų prioritetus. „Tai tik logistika“, – sakė ji apie kai kurių Vašingtone atmestiną požiūrį.

 

 Tačiau karinė logistika nėra „tik logistika“, nes karo metu tiekimo linijos yra pagrindiniai taikiniai. Priešas gali suluošinti jūsų pajėgas sunaikindamas jūsų atsargas.

 

 Tvirta logistika, priešingai, gali atgrasyti nuo atakų. Jei priešai mano, kad JAV gali greitai mobilizuoti masinį atsaką, jie mažiau linkę pradėti karo veiksmus. Šaltojo karo metu Šiaurės Atlanto sutarties organizacijos sąjungininkai prieš pratybas reguliariai rengdavo šou, užtvindydami Europą amerikiečių kariais ir įranga.

 

 Transcom garantavo prieigą prie daugiausia apie 200 laivų potencialiai kovai su Kinija. Antrajam Persijos įlankos karui 2003 m. reikėjo daugiau, nei 165 laivų, kurie netrukdomai kirto taikų Atlanto vandenyną.

 

 Karas su Kinija reikalauja ne tik kur kas daugiau įrangos, kuri būtų gabenama pavojingesnėmis sąlygomis. Ramusis vandenynas taip pat yra daug didesnis, nei Atlanto vandenynas, o tai reiškia, kad kiekvienas laivas užtrunka ilgiau, kad gabentų tą patį tūrį, o tai savo ruožtu padidina reikiamų laivų skaičių. Planuotojai tai vadina „atstumo tironija“.

 

 „Transcom“ siekia kompensuoti savo trūkumą, pasitelkdama komercinius siuntėjus kariniams kroviniams tvarkyti už karo zonų ribų, o tai gali padengti 80 % karinių krovinių. Tai gali reikšti šimtus laivų. Pentagonas sutvarkytų likusią dalį, paprastai arčiausiai fronto linijų.

 

 Koordinuoti didžiulį komercinių laivų ir lėktuvų parką su karine technika karo metu būtų nelengva. Transcom naudoja apie 280 programinės įrangos sistemų pirkimui, sandėliavimui ir perkraustymui.

 

 Siekdamas sušvelninti šią integraciją, Van Ovostas stengėsi pritraukti komercinius siuntėjus karo metu, pasinaudodamas jų alkiu sudaryti Pentagono taikos meto sutartis. Jos iniciatyva pelnė pramonės pagyrimą.

 

 „Kuo daugiau kalbamės vieni su kitais, tuo geriau suprantame vienas kito problemas“, – sakė Stephenas Carmelis, JAV jūrų vadybos, laivų operatorės, daug bendradarbiaujančios su kariuomene, prezidentas.

 

 „Esame per šviesmečius nuo ten, kur turime būti“, – sakė Carmel, cituodamas „Transcom“ kurą gabenančių laivų parką. Kai kurie analitikai teigia, kad karo metu „Transcom“ gali prireikti daugiau, nei 100. Ji turi garantuotą prieigą prie 10.

 

 Taikos metu dauguma Pentagono vandenyno krovinių, pavyzdžiui, dislokavimo ir pratybų tikslais, keliauja maždaug 60 laivų, valdomų Military Sealift Command, Transcom komponento. Daug keliauja ir su komerciniais laivais.

 

 Krizės metu „Transcom“ gali suaktyvinti dar 48 vyriausybinius laivus, kurie yra budintys, žinomi, kaip „Ready Reserve Force“, kuriuos valdo Transporto departamento Jūrų administracija.

 

 Norėdami sutelkti dėmesį, Transcom gali paliesti kitus 95 privačius laivus, įtrauktus į vyriausybės programą, geriausia, sudarant sutartis su jų savininkais. Jei to nepavyks, „Transcom“ iš esmės gali reikalauti jų naudojimo.

 

 1990 m., Šaltojo karo pabaigoje, JAV turėjo maždaug 600 laisvų prekybinių laivų. 1960 metais ji turėjo daugiau, nei 3 tūkst.

 

 Kinija šiandien turi daugiau, nei 7000 komercinių laivų. Kinijos subjektams priklauso kas šeštas komercinis laivas, plaukiojantis jūrose, įskaitant laivus, plaukiojančius su kitų šalių vėliavomis.

 

 Kongresas, siekdamas ištaisyti šį disbalansą, davė Jūrų administracijai leidimą pirkti naudotus užsienyje pagamintus laivus ir paversti juos naudoti. Iki šiol biudžete numatytas skaičius: devyni.

 

 „Tai tvarstis vėžiu sergančiam pacientui“, – sakė Sethas Cropsey, buvęs karinio jūrų laivyno karininkas ir vicesekretoriaus pavaduotojas devintajame dešimtmetyje." [1]

 

World News: China's Advance Exposes U.S.'s Supply-Line Weakness. Michaels, Daniel; Youssef, Nancy A. Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 01 Nov 2024: A.8. 

Postindustrial West: China's Advance Exposes U.S.'s Supply-Line Weakness

"SCOTT AIR FORCE BASE, Ill. -- America's combat forces need a lift.

Every two weeks since late last year, officers here convene a classified intelligence briefing about fighting in the Red Sea. The attendees aren't politicians, policymakers or spies. They are private shipping executives.

The meetings are part of a push by the Pentagon's Transportation Command, or Transcom, to integrate shippers as crisis supply lines.

The policy stems from a dire need in an unloved but vital corner of America's military behemoth. A House select committee in February called Transcom's sea-cargo capacity "woefully inadequate."

The U.S. is investing heavily in new weapons systems, but missiles, warships and jet fighters are only a fraction of what the military worries about. Troops sent to battle also need food and water. Their equipment devours fuel and spare parts. Guns without ammunition are dead weight. Wounded fighters require evacuation.

Moving all of that -- and keeping supplies flowing for months or years -- demands vast and complex support infrastructure, broadly termed logistics. If it doesn't function, even a battle-proven force will grind to a halt.

"Logistics underwrites everything," said Jacqueline Van Ovost, who recently retired as Transcom's commander. "You can't outrun your logistics."

China's rise has exposed America's shipping weakness. Beijing isn't just Washington's biggest military rival. It is also by far the world's biggest logistics operation.

Within China's centrally directed economy, the government controls commercial shippers, foreign port facilities and a globe-spanning cargo-data network that in a conflict could be repurposed for military aims or to undermine the U.S., including on home soil.

Transcom's fleet of planes and cargo ships, meanwhile, is aging and insufficient.

In conflict with China, the Pentagon would send roughly 90% of its provisions by sea. Among 44 government-owned ships for moving vehicles that Transcom can tap, 28 will retire within eight years. Replacements have faced repeated delays.

"It's not as sexy as a B-1" bomber, said Van Ovost, who served in the Air Force for 36 years, of how officials in Washington set spending priorities. "It's just logistics," she said about the dismissive attitude of some in Washington.

But military logistics isn't "just logistics" because in wartime, supply lines are prime targets. Enemy can cripple your forces by destroying your provisions.

Robust logistics, in contrast, can deter attacks. If adversaries believe the U.S. can quickly mobilize a massive response, they are less likely to initiate hostilities. During the Cold War, North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies routinely made a show of flooding Europe with American troops and gear before exercises.

Transcom has guaranteed access to at most about 200 ships for a potential fight with China. Provisioning for the second Gulf War in 2003 required more than 165 ships, which crossed the peaceful Atlantic Ocean unimpeded.

War with China wouldn't only require far more equipment to be transported under more dangerous conditions. The Pacific is also far larger than the Atlantic, meaning each ship takes longer to move the same volume, which in turn adds to the number of ships needed. Planners refer to this as "the tyranny of distance."

Transcom aims to offset its shortfall by tapping commercial shippers to handle military cargo outside war zones, potentially shouldering 80% of military freight. That could mean hundreds of ships. The Pentagon would handle the rest, usually closest to front lines.

Coordinating huge fleets of commercial ships and planes with military equipment during wartime would be daunting. Transcom uses around 280 software systems for buying, warehousing and moving provisions.

To smooth that integration, Van Ovost worked to lock in commercial shippers for a wartime role by capitalizing on their hunger for Pentagon peacetime contracts. Her initiative has won industry plaudits.

"The more we talk to each other, the more we understand each other's problems," said Stephen Carmel, president of U.S. Marine Management, a ship operator that works extensively with the military.

"We're light years from where we need to be," Carmel said, citing Transcom's fleet of fuel-transport ships. In a war, Transcom could need more than 100, some analysts say. It has guaranteed access to 10.

In peacetime, most Pentagon ocean cargo -- such as for deployments and exercises -- travels on roughly 60 ships operated by Military Sealift Command, a Transcom component. Much also goes on commercial ships.

In a crisis, Transcom can activate another 48 government ships kept on standby, known as the Ready Reserve Force, run by the Transportation Department's Maritime Administration.

For a big mobilization, Transcom can tap another 95 private ships enrolled in a government program, ideally by contracting with their owners. If that falls short, Transcom can essentially requisition their use.

In 1990, at the Cold War's end, the U.S. had roughly 600 available merchant ships. In 1960, it had more than 3,000.

China today has over 7,000 commercial ships. Chinese entities own every sixth commercial vessel on the seas -- including ships flying other countries' flags -- a share comparable only to Greece.

Congress, seeking to redress that imbalance, has given the Maritime Administration permission to buy secondhand foreign-made ships and convert them for its use. The number budgeted so far: nine.

"It's a bandage for a cancer patient," said Seth Cropsey, a former Navy officer and deputy undersecretary in the 1980s.” [1]

World News: China's Advance Exposes U.S.'s Supply-Line Weakness. Michaels, Daniel; Youssef, Nancy A. Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 01 Nov 2024: A.8.