"Behind the deadly front lines where Ukrainian and Russian soldiers are locked in combat, a less-noticed life-or-death battle is raging to keep troops supplied with arms and ammunition. The side that loses that fight is the one that will lose the conflict. It is a lesson Washington is relearning.
Events in Ukraine has exposed huge shortfalls in Western defense-industry capacity and organization. The U.S. and its allies aren't prepared to fight a protracted war in the Pacific and would struggle with a long European conflict.
As Adm. Rob Bauer, a top military officer at the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, puts it: "Every war, after about five or six days, becomes about logistics."
If the U.S. clashed head-on with Russia or China, stocks of precision weaponry could be used up in hours or days. Other vital supplies would run out soon after.
Many governments are starting to respond. The U.S. is increasing arms production after decades of focus on terrorism and homeland security. President Emmanuel Macron of France has pledged a "war economy" to boost military supplies. Chancellor Olaf Scholz of Germany has shed Berlin's longstanding disdain for military spending.
It is a pivot with echoes of the 20th century, when the U.S. repeatedly swung its economy to fight wars and face down enemies. Woodrow Wilson nationalized the U.S.'s railroads in 1917, and in 1942 Detroit lurched from making cars to churning out tanks and bombers.
The Cold War spawned the military-industrial complex.
Nobody is ready to test those extremes today. To handle newly aggressive adversaries without commandeering industries or exploding national budgets, the U.S. and its allies will need to try fresh approaches to developing, buying and maintaining military supplies.
"The defense-industrial base that served us after World War II and helped us prevail in the Cold War isn't the one that is going to help us prevail against China," said Joseph Votel, a retired four-star Army general who led Special Operations Command and now heads Business Executives for National Security, a nonprofit started in 1982 to bring private-sector know-how to the Pentagon.
The first step will be spending more on defense across the West. In 2014 NATO members pledged to spend at least 2% of their gross domestic product on defense by 2024.
Only the U.S. and a handful of other members do that, though events in Ukraine might have broken the logjam. Around half of NATO's 31 members could hit 2% next year, alliance diplomats said.
Ambitions are increasing, too. When NATO leaders meet in Lithuania next week for their annual summit, they expect to cement 2% of GDP as the spending minimum, not an aspiration. Over the past year, NATO and the European Union have also assumed new roles coordinating and consolidating arms procurement to boost efficiency and accelerate rearmament.
But more is needed, Votel and colleagues said, starting with a new postindustrial mind-set. Many see a model in how Ukraine is drawing expertise from across society to develop defensive systems that bridge advanced digital savvy and grease-covered Soviet hardware.
First, advocates of a new approach said, the Pentagon should acknowledge it no longer owns the cutting edge of technology.
"Our nation leads in many emerging technologies relevant to defense and security -- from artificial intelligence and directed energy to quantum information technology and beyond," a panel of former top Defense Department officials said in a recent report for the Atlantic Council, a Washington think tank. "But the DoD struggles to identify, adopt, integrate and field these technologies into military applications."
The commission, led by former Defense Secretary Mark Esper, offered 10 recommendations that ranged from encouraging tech companies to do business with the Pentagon to modernizing its budgeting documents.
Others said that rather than conceiving multidecade moonshots, as in the Cold War, the Pentagon should learn to quickly draw on existing innovations, as smaller allies have done, and Ukraine is doing.
Defense planners must also get more entrepreneurial, advocates of change said -- and some are already.
"We need private investors to support the defense industry," NATO's Bauer told the Milken Institute's global gathering in Los Angeles in May.
Defense is massively expensive. The Navy has estimated that a 20-year modernization of four major shipyards, which maintain aircraft carriers and nuclear submarines and average a century old, will cost $21 billion -- and a senior Government Accountability Office official last year called those estimates "wildly off point."
Rather than drag out shipyard renovations over two decades, said Sam Cole, a finance-sector professional who serves on the BENS board under Votel, it would make more sense to get the work done quickly so the yards are fully functional sooner.
The Pentagon could struggle to fund all that, given government budgeting rules, Cole said. Instead, it could take a more private-sector approach to financing by turning to debt markets, raising around $50 billion and completing the work in about four years.
Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin took a step last December in that direction, launching the Office of Strategic Capital, an in-house tech incubator empowered to partner with private financiers.
In rebuilding military industries, small business also needs attention. Defense giants once tapped supply chains that extended to thousands of workshops supplying basic components. Industry consolidation, globalization and shrinking demand after the Cold War eroded that base.
Defense giants handling massive arms projects generally work on a cost basis, meaning they can usually hand the Pentagon a bill for their R&D spending, said Frank Finelli, another finance professional on the BENS board. But almost all midsize companies in the defense industry are subcontractors, so are unable to pass along development costs.
"You're asking me to invest my own money in R&D" for the Pentagon, Finelli said he hears from smaller companies. The U.S., the world's financial-markets leader, should be able to find a solution, he said. "This is about having access to financial agility at scale."
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Agility Seen
As Key Part
Agility is increasingly vital in manufacturing. The F-35, America's newest jet fighter, is a marvel of networked computers that can hover and fly supersonic.
But much of it is still built by hand in a Texas factory where each plane steps along an assembly line from one production station to the next, notes Stacie Pettyjohn, director of the defense program at the Center for a New American Security.
The Pentagon's next generation of equipment will need to rely on commercial industries' advances in production technologies, from 3-D printing to factory automation, Pettyjohn says.
"New manufacturing systems for new defense systems will be critical," she says.
Equally ripe for an overhaul is how the Pentagon turns ideas into equipment.
The military needs huge quantities of some items, such as artillery shells and rifles, but a lot of equipment is needed in versions customized for specific tasks, which can vary widely across services and in elite units such as special forces.
How to combine mass production and variety has long plagued defense planners." [1]
1. Conflict Shows Weakness In West Arms Supply. Michaels, Daniel.
Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y. [New York, N.Y]. 07 July 2023: A.1.