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2024 m. vasario 11 d., sekmadienis

Women Will Throw You Out of Power: Short on Soldiers, Ukraine Debates How to Find the Next Wave of Troops


"A potential expansion of the nation’s military draft to replenish the exhausted, battered army has become an emotional, politically charged issue.

Soldiers fight in freezing, muddy trenches bombarded by artillery, or in leftovers of burned and blown-up houses in urban combat. Casualty rates are high, and dangerous missions, like storming enemy-held tree lines, abound.

As they planned for a renewal of Ukraine’s military under extreme conditions, both the country’s former top commander and his replacement have emphasized the same looming problem: a need to relieve exhausted, battered troops whose combat tours have stretched nearly two years.

In a tumultuous week for Ukraine’s conflict effort, President Volodymyr Zelensky removed his commanding general, Gen. Valery Zaluzhny, on Thursday, while aid from the country’s largest source of weapons and ammunition, the United States, hung in doubt in Congress.

While Ukraine relies on allies for weaponry, replenishing the ranks is a domestic challenge. Small protests have broken out in opposition to a Parliament proposal to expand the draft to include younger men, but so far, lawmakers have slow-walked the measure.

In announcing the appointment of Gen. Oleksandr Syrsky to command the military, Mr. Zelensky said he wanted a “new management team” for the armed forces. He has signaled a search for a new strategy that accounts for exhausted frontline soldiers in Ukraine’s million-man army, which is fighting the largest conflict in Europe since World War II.

He suggested a partial fix by cycling more soldiers from positions in the rear into combat, but he also signaled “a new approach to mobilization and recruitment,” without elaborating.

Mobilization had been a factor in General Zaluzhny’s dismissal. The plans for calling up more soldiers to fight in grim trenches was something nobody in Ukraine’s military or civilian leadership wanted to be associated with. General Zaluzhny and Mr. Zelensky had been in open, public disagreement over mobilization since December.

Mr. Zelensky, at a news conference in December, said General Zaluzhny’s staff had asked to draft 450,000 to 500,000 men, a comment that appeared intended to shift responsibility to the military for a decision to draft so many more soldiers, opposition politicians said.

General Zaluzhny responded that the decision to call up more soldiers was not up to the military. He said the armed forces had prepared estimates of their manpower needs to allow for rotations of those serving now, replace soldiers killed or wounded in combat and anticipate future losses.

“We need shells, weapons and people,” General Zaluzhny said. “Everything else is done by the bodies that have the authority.”

In a statement after his appointment on Thursday, General Syrsky listed among his priorities “the life and health of servicemen,” and said the military would seek a “balance” for units between frontline deployments and training.

On this extraordinarily delicate issue for Ukraine, “the unity is gone,” Iryna Friz, a member of Parliament with the opposition European Solidarity party, said in an interview. “The question of mobilization was sabotaged for politics.”

The bill on mobilization has passed a first reading in Ukraine’s Parliament. It would lower the conscription age to 25 from 27 and stiffen penalties on draft dodgers.

Ukraine currently drafts men between the ages of 27 and 60. Under martial law, all men 18 to 60 are prohibited from leaving the country, lest a decision be taken to draft them.

Men with three or more children are exempted, but men with three children or fewer who volunteered, or whose families expanded as they served, have not been permitted to leave the military.

The bill in Parliament also allows for the demobilization of troops after three years of service, holding out the prospect of a reprieve about a year from now for soldiers who have been fighting since the conflict in 2022. The law is expected to pass this month and take effect in March, Yaroslav Zhelezniak, a member of the opposition Holos party, wrote on Telegram.

For draft-eligible men, trenches are a harrowing prospect. Soldiers die from artillery, exploding drones and snipers, as well as in close-quarters combat. Ubiquitous land mines have blown legs or feet off thousands of Ukrainian men. And bunkers where soldiers slept last winter were overrun by rodents drawn to the wamth of the log or rough timber structures, worsening the unpleasant conditions on the front.

Soldiers on the front typically spend three days or so sleeping in shifts in trenches and bunkers under fire, followed by three days in less-risky reserve positions, such as abandoned houses in nearby villages.

Ms. Friz, the lawmaker, said Ukraine’s government and Parliament must design the draft to balance the needs of the army and the economy and to maintain political stability, all issues beyond the scope of the military’s duties.

Lowering the draft age, for example, would bring more lithe, healthy soldiers to the fight, but poses long-term risks for sustaining Ukraine’s population given the country’s demographics.

As in most former Soviet states, Ukraine has a small generation of 20-year-olds because birthrates plummeted during the deep economic depression of the 1990s. Because of this demographic trough, there are now three times as many men in their 40s as in their 20s in Ukraine.

Drafting more men in their 20s, given the likely battle casualties, would risk reducing the number of births in this small generation of Ukrainians, resulting in declines of draft- and working-age men decades from now and endangering the country’s future security and economy.

In one move to ease the concerns of men who are called up but want to have children, Parliament is considering a bill to pay medical bills for soldiers who wish to freeze their sperm to allow partners to become pregnant if they die in combat.

Ukraine’s labor pool is already vastly diminished by women fleeing conflict and men joining the army.

A crowd angry about the draft blocked a road outside a western Ukrainian village last week in a rowdy confrontation with drivers and the police that illustrated the political risks of expanding mobilization.

Villages in the west have been a primary source of soldiers for the Ukrainian army, and support for the conflict has been higher in the country’s west than overall in Ukraine. But the loss of male loved ones has taken a toll on many families.

The roadblock took place on Tuesday in the village of Kosmach, in the Ivano-Frankivsk region, and began with unfounded rumors in local chat groups that draft officials were coming to find the village’s remaining men, the police said in a statement. About 100 women blocked a road, and the protest turned violent when they mistook a woman from a neighboring village for a draft official, police officers said.

The woman, Ivanna Vandzhurak, wrote on Facebook that the crowd had yelled that she was a “spotter” for the local military recruitment office. The accusation echoed widespread worry in Ukrainian society that spies in their midst, known as spotters, in this case, the source of the anxiety was the military recruitment system.

Dmytro Mokhnachuk, the chairman of a council that governs the village and nearby communities, told local news media that the women agreed to disperse but told him they were “fighting against draft office employees.”" [1]

1. Short on Soldiers, Ukraine Debates How to Find the Next Wave of Troops. Kramer, Andrew E.  New York Times (Online)New York Times Company. Feb 11, 2024.

 

„Prabangūs įsitikinimai“, kuriuos gali sau leisti tik privilegijuotieji --- Jeilio universitete mačiau, kad ekstremalios nuomonės tokiais klausimais, kaip šeima, nusikalstamumas ir narkotikai buvo statuso simboliai

„Taip pat, kaip nepastebi savo kultūros specifikos, kol neiškeliauji kitur, iš tikrųjų nepastebi savo socialinio sluoksnio, kol neįeini į kitą. Prieš dešimtmetį būdamas Jeilio bakalauras, aš pamačiau kad mano bendraamžiai patyrė visiškai kitokią socialinę realybę, nei aš. Aš užaugau skurdžiai, dvirasės šeimos disfunkcijos, globos ir karinės tarnybos produktas. Staiga pasiekęs gerovę elitiniame universitete – daugiau Jeilio studentų yra iš šeimų, turinčių didžiausias 1% pajamų, nei iš apačios 60% – pastebėjau, kad daug galvojau apie klasių skirtumus ir socialinę hierarchiją.

 

     Maniau, kad, patekus į tokią vietą kaip Jeilis, mums buvo suteikta privilegija ir pareiga pagerinti tų, kuriems mažiau pasisekė už mus pačius, gyvenimą. Vietoj to, tarp savo kolegų studentų dažnai rasdavau tai, ką vadinu „prabangiu įsitikinimu“ – idėjų ir nuomonių, kurios suteikia statusą aukštesnei klasei, bet dažnai atveda prie realių išlaidų žemesnėms klasėms. Pavyzdžiui, klasės draugė man pasakė, kad „monogamija yra pasenusi“ ir nėra naudinga visuomenei. Paklausiau jos, kokia jos kilmė ir ar ji planuoja tuoktis. Ji sakė, kad kilusi iš turtingų, stabilių, dviejų tėvų namų – kaip ir dauguma mūsų klasės draugų. Ji pridūrė, kad taip, ji asmeniškai planavo sudaryti monogamišką santuoką, tačiau greitai patvirtino, kad tradicinės šeimos yra senamadiškos ir kad visuomenė turėtų „evoliucionuoti“ už jų ribų.

 

     Mano kurso draugės propagavimas vieno idealo („monogamija pasenusi“), gyvenant kitame („planuoju tuoktis“) buvo įvairiai pakartotas kitų studentų. Kai kurie, pavyzdžiui, papasakotų apie tai, kaip žavėjosi kariuomene, kaip prekybos mokyklos buvo tokios pat garbingos, kaip ir universitetai, arba kaip koledžas nebuvo būtinas, norint būti sėkmingu. Bet kai paklausiau, ar jie skatintų jų vaikus stoti į santechnikus ar elektrikus, o ne stoti į koledžą, jie nesutiktų arba pakeistų temą.

 

     Anksčiau žmonės savo priklausymą aukštesnei klasei demonstruodavo su savo materialiais aksesuarais. Kaip garsiai pastebėjo ekonomistas ir sociologas Thorsteinas Veblenas savo 1899 m. knygoje „Laisvalaikio klasės teorija“, statuso simbolius turi būti sunku gauti ir brangu įsigyti. Vebleno laikais žmonės demonstruodavo savo statusą su subtiliais ir ribojančiais drabužiais, tokiais, kaip cilindrinės kepurės ir vakarinės suknelės, arba užsiimdami daug laiko reikalaujančia veikla, pavyzdžiui, golfu ar biglingu (kiškių medžioklė, naudojant jautrią šunų biglių uoslę). Veblenas teigė, kad šių prekių ir veiklos vertė buvo ta, kad jos buvo tokios brangios ir švaistančios, kad tik turtingieji galėjo jas sau leisti.

 

     Šiandien, kai prabangos prekės paprastiems žmonėms yra labiau prieinamos, nei bet kada anksčiau, elitui reikia kitų būdų, kaip išreikšti jo socialinę padėtį. Tai padeda paaiškinti, kodėl tiek daug dabar atsieja klasę nuo materialinių gėrybių ir sieja ją su įsitikinimais.

 

     Paimkite žodyną. Jūsų tipiškas darbininkų klasės amerikietis negalėjo pasakyti, ką reiškia „heteronormatyvus“ arba „cislytis“. Kai kas nors vartoja frazę „kultūrinis pasisavinimas“, iš tikrųjų jie sako: „Aš mokiausi aukščiausiame universitete“. Tik pasiturintys gali sau leisti išmokti keistą žodyną. Paprasti žmonės turi rimtų problemų, dėl kurių reikia jaudintis.

 

     Kai mano klasės draugai Jeile kalbėjo apie policijos panaikinimą arba narkotikų dekriminalizavimą, atrodė, kad jie nežinojo apie to išlaidas, nes buvo iš esmės izoliuoti nuo jų. Pagalvoju apie savo patirtį su alkoholiu, jei narkotikai būtų buvę legalūs ir lengvai prieinami, kai man buvo 15 metų, jūs mano straipsnio neskaitytumėte. Mano gimdyvė netrukus po mano gimimo pasidavė priklausomybei nuo narkotikų. Aš jos nemačiau nuo vaikystės. Visų mano globotinių brolių ir seserų tėvai buvo narkomanai arba turėjo psichikos sveikatos sutrikimų, kuriuos dažnai sukėlė narkotikų vartojimas.

 

     Gerai besimokantis elitinio universiteto studentas gali eksperimentuoti su kokainu ir jam, tikriausiai, viskas bus gerai. Vaikas iš netinkamai veikiančių namų, kurio tėvai nėra lankantys, labiau linkę susinaikinti. Tai gali paaiškinti, kodėl 2019 m. Cato instituto atlikta apklausa parodė, kad daugiau, nei 60% amerikiečių, turinčių bent bakalauro laipsnį, pasisakė už narkotikų legalizavimą, o mažiau, nei pusė amerikiečių, neturinčių koledžo laipsnio, manė, kad tai yra gera idėja. Narkotikai gali būti pramoga turtingiesiems, tačiau vargšams jie dažnai yra vartai į tolesnį skausmą.

 

     Panašiai, 2020 m. „Yahoo News“ / „YouGov“ apklausa parodė, kad turtingiausi amerikiečiai labiausiai palaikė policijos finansavimo sustabdymą, o neturtingiausi amerikiečiai pranešė apie mažiausią paramą šiai idėjai. Pagalvokite, kad, palyginti su amerikiečiais, kurie uždirba daugiau, nei 50 000, dolerių per metus, pagal federalinę statistiką neturtingiausi amerikiečiai tris kartus dažniau tampa apiplėšimo, sunkios prievartos ir seksualinės prievartos aukomis. Tačiau būtent pasiturintys žmonės ragina panaikinti teisėsaugą. Galbūt, prabangių įsitikinimų klasė tiesiog nežino nusikaltimų tikrovės.

 

     Man labiausiai keistas įsitikinimas, kad šeima nėra svarbi arba kad vaikai vienodai klestės visose šeimos struktūrose. 1960 m. amerikiečių vaikų, gyvenančių su abiem biologiniais tėvais, procentas buvo vienodas turtingose ir darbininkų klasėse – 95%. Iki 2005 m. 85 % pasiturinčių šeimų vis dar buvo nepažeistos, tačiau darbininkų klasės šeimų skaičius sumažėjo iki 30 %. Kaip Harvardo politologas Robertas Putnamas pareiškė per 2017 m. Senato posėdį: „Turtingi vaikai ir vargšai vaikai dabar auga atskirose Amerikose“.

 

     Pasak Gallup, 2006 m. daugiau, nei pusė, suaugusiųjų amerikiečių, neturinčių aukštojo mokslo laipsnio, manė, kad „labai svarbu“, kad poros su vaikais būtų susituokę. Pasukite į priekį iki 2020 m., o šis skaičius sumažėjo iki 31%. Iš „Gallup“ apklaustų kolegijų absolventų tik 25 % manė, kad poros turėtų susituokti, prieš susilaukiant vaikų. Tačiau jų veiksmai prieštarauja prabangiems įsitikinimams: dauguma Amerikos koledžų absolventų, kurie turi vaikų, yra vedę. Nepaisant jų elgesio, pasiturintys žmonės dažniausiai sako, kad santuoka nėra svarbi. Jų žinia pasklido.

 

     Pastebėjau, kad daugelis Jeilio studentų pasirinktinai slėpė savo nuomonę ar faktus apie savo gyvenimą. Ne vienas man tyliai prisipažino, kad apsimeta skurdesniais, nei buvo iš tikrųjų, nes nenorėjo stigmos būti laikomi turtingais. Kodėl ši stigma egzistuoja turtingame universitete, kuriame pilna turtingų studentų? Tai klasės reikalas. 

 

Aukštesniajai klasei nurodyti savo socialinę padėtį, kalbant apie pinigus yra vulgaru.

 

 Dalytis savo išsilavinimo liudijimais yra klasikinis trumpinys, tačiau iš pažiūros altruistiškų ir socialiai sąžiningų prabangos įsitikinimų transliavimas yra geriausia iš visų.

 

     Turtingiems žmonėms sunkiau pretenduoti į aukos mantiją, kuri tarp turtingųjų dažnai yra pagrindinė teisumo sudedamoji dalis. Harvardo verslo mokyklos ir Šiaurės vakarų universiteto mokslininkai neseniai aptiko „dorybingos aukos“ efekto įrodymų, kai aukos laikomos moralesnėmis, nei neaukos, kurios elgiasi lygiai taip pat: jei žmonės manys, kad jūs kentėjote, jie labiau linkę atleisti už jūsų elgesį. Galbūt, todėl prestižiniai universitetai skatina studentus puoselėti savo nuoskaudas. Ypatingas efektas yra tas, kad daugelis labiausiai palankias sąlygas turinčių žmonių yra įgudę perteikti savo trūkumus.

 

     Retkarčiais šią kritiką iškeldavau kolegoms studentams ar elitinių kolegijų absolventams. Kartais jie atsakydavo klausdami: „Na, ar tu dabar neprisijungi prie šios grupės? Tai reiškia, kad mano vertinimai buvo tuščiaviduriai, nes persikėliau į tą pačią aplinką. Bet jie nebūtų manęs klausę, kai buvau žemai įdarbintas vyras armijoje arba kai plaudavau indus už minimalų atlyginimą. Jei iš aukštosios klasės išjuoksite, kaip pašalinis asmuo, jie jus ignoruos. Reikalavimai aukštesnei klasei į jus žiūrėti rimtai – įgaliojimai, turtas, valdžia – taip pat yra pagrindas jus vadinti veidmainiu, nes drįstate teisti.

 

     Tačiau neigiami socialiniai sprendimai dažnai tarnauja, kaip apsauginiai turėklai, atgrasantys nuo žalingų sprendimų, sukeliančių nelaimę. Kad išvengtume nelaimės, manau, turime pripažinti, kad tam tikri veiksmai ir pasirinkimai, įskaitant vienišą tėvystę, piktnaudžiavimą narkotinėmis medžiagomis ir nusikaltimus, iš tikrųjų yra nepageidaujami, o ne tik juos normalizuoti. Iš tiesų, žiauru patvirtinti sprendimus, kurie daro žalą. Nežinoti apie šias pasekmes yra tikra prabanga.“ [1]

 

1. REVIEW --- 'Luxury Beliefs' That Only the Privileged Can Afford --- At Yale, I saw that extreme views on issues like family, crime and drugs served as status symbols. Henderson, Rob.  Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 10 Feb 2024: C.3.

'Luxury Beliefs' That Only the Privileged Can Afford --- At Yale, I saw that extreme views on issues like family, crime and drugs served as status symbols


"In the same way that you don't notice the specifics of your own culture until you travel elsewhere, you don't really notice your social class until you enter another one. As an undergraduate at Yale a decade ago, I came to see that my peers had experienced a totally different social reality than me. I had grown up poor, a biracial product of family dysfunction, foster care and military service. Suddenly ensconced in affluence at an elite university -- more Yale students come from families in the top 1% of income than from the bottom 60% -- I found myself thinking a lot about class divides and social hierarchies.

I'd thought that by entering a place like Yale, we were being given a privilege as well as a duty to improve the lives of those less fortunate than ourselves. Instead, I often found among my fellow students what I call "luxury beliefs" -- ideas and opinions that confer status on the upper class but often inflict real costs on the lower classes. For example, a classmate told me "monogamy is kind of outdated" and not good for society. I asked her what her background was and if she planned to marry. She said she came from an affluent, stable, two-parent home -- just like most of our classmates. She added that, yes, she personally planned to have a monogamous marriage, but quickly insisted that traditional families are old-fashioned and that society should "evolve" beyond them.

My classmate's promotion of one ideal ("monogamy is outdated") while living by another ("I plan to get married") was echoed by other students in different ways. Some would, for instance, tell me about the admiration they had for the military, or how trade schools were just as respectable as college, or how college was not necessary to be successful. But when I asked them if they would encourage their own children to enlist or become a plumber or an electrician rather than apply to college, they would demur or change the subject.

In the past, people displayed their membership in the upper class with their material accouterments. As the economist and sociologist Thorstein Veblen famously observed in his 1899 book "The Theory of the Leisure Class," status symbols must be difficult to obtain and costly to purchase. In Veblen's day, people exhibited their status with delicate and restrictive clothing, such as top hats and evening gowns, or by partaking in time-consuming activities, such as golf or beagling. The value of these goods and activities, argued Veblen, was in the very fact that they were so pricey and wasteful that only the wealthy could afford them.

Today, when luxury goods are more accessible to ordinary people than ever before, the elite need other ways to broadcast their social position. This helps explain why so many are now decoupling class from material goods and attaching it to beliefs.

Take vocabulary. Your typical working-class American could not tell you what "heteronormative" or "cisgender" means. When someone uses the phrase "cultural appropriation," what they are really saying is, "I was educated at a top college." Only the affluent can afford to learn strange vocabulary. Ordinary people have real problems to worry about.

When my classmates at Yale talked about abolishing the police or decriminalizing drugs, they seemed unaware of the attending costs because they were largely insulated from them. Reflecting on my own experiences with alcohol, if drugs had been legal and easily accessible when I was 15, you wouldn't be reading this. My birth mother succumbed to drug addiction soon after I was born. I haven't seen her since I was a child. All my foster siblings' parents were addicts or had a mental health condition, often triggered by drug use.

A well-heeled student at an elite university can experiment with cocaine and will probably be just fine. A kid from a dysfunctional home with absentee parents is more likely to ride that first hit of meth to self-destruction. This may explain why a 2019 survey conducted by the Cato Institute found that more than 60% of Americans with at least a bachelor's degree were in favor of legalizing drugs, while less than half of Americans without a college degree thought it was a good idea. Drugs may be a recreational pastime for the rich, but for the poor they are often a gateway to further pain.

Similarly, a 2020 Yahoo News/YouGov survey found that the richest Americans showed the strongest support for defunding the police, while the poorest Americans reported the lowest support. Consider that compared with Americans who earn more than $50,000 a year, the poorest Americans are three times more likely to be victims of robbery, aggravated assault and sexual assault, according to federal statistics. Yet it's affluent people who are calling to abolish law enforcement. Perhaps the luxury belief class is simply ignorant of the realities of crime.

Most personal to me is the luxury belief that family is unimportant or that children are equally likely to thrive in all family structures. In 1960, the percentage of American children living with both biological parents was identical for affluent and working-class families -- 95%. By 2005, 85% of affluent families were still intact, but for working-class families the figure had plummeted to 30%. As the Harvard political scientist Robert Putnam stated at a 2017 Senate hearing: "Rich kids and poor kids now grow up in separate Americas."

In 2006, more than half of American adults without a college degree believed it was "very important" that couples with children should be married, according to Gallup. Fast-forward to 2020, and this number had plummeted to 31%. Among college graduates polled by Gallup, only 25% thought couples should be married before having kids. Their actions, though, contradict their luxury beliefs: Most American college graduates who have children are married. Despite their behavior, affluent people are the most likely to say marriage is unimportant. Their message has spread.

I noticed that many Yale students selectively concealed their opinions or facts about their lives. More than one quietly confessed to me that they were pretending to be poorer than they really were, because they didn't want the stigma of being thought rich. Why would this stigma exist at a rich university full of rich students? It's a class thing. For the upper class, indicating your social position by speaking about money is vulgar. Sharing your educational credentials is a classier shorthand, but broadcasting your seemingly altruistic and socially conscientious luxury beliefs is the best of all.

It is harder for wealthy people to claim the mantle of victimhood, which, among the affluent, is often a key ingredient of righteousness. Researchers at Harvard Business School and Northwestern University recently found evidence of a "virtuous victim" effect, in which victims are seen as more moral than nonvictims who behave in exactly the same way: If people think you have suffered, they will be more likely to excuse your behavior. Perhaps this is why prestigious universities encourage students to nurture their grievances. The peculiar effect is that many of the most advantaged people are the most adept at conveying their disadvantages.

Occasionally, I raised these critiques with fellow students or graduates of elite colleges. Sometimes they would reply by asking, "Well, aren't you part of this group now?" implying that my appraisals were hollow because I moved within the same milieu. But they wouldn't have listened to me back when I was a lowly enlisted man in the military or when I was washing dishes for minimum wage. If you ridicule the upper class as an outsider, they'll ignore you. The requirements for the upper class to take you seriously -- credentials, wealth, power -- are also the grounds to brand you a hypocrite for daring to judge.

But negative social judgments often serve as guardrails to deter detrimental decisions that lead to unhappiness. To avoid misery, I believe we have to admit that certain actions and choices, including single parenthood, substance abuse and crime, are actually in and of themselves undesirable and not simply in need of normalization. Indeed, it's cruel to validate decisions that inflict harm. And it's a true luxury to be ignorant of these consequences." [1]

1. REVIEW --- 'Luxury Beliefs' That Only the Privileged Can Afford --- At Yale, I saw that extreme views on issues like family, crime and drugs served as status symbols. Henderson, Rob.  Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y.. 10 Feb 2024: C.3.

Ar Lietuva gali likti be lietuvių?

 "Juokdariai ginkluojasi iki dantų, nors kariauti negali, nes branduolinis ginklas visus disciplinuoja. O mes galvojame apie pagrindines kiekvienam rūpimas temas. Lietuvai įstojus į Europos Sąjungą jų ilgai nebuvo girdėti, dabar vėl atgijo. 

Ir net vienoje komercinės televizijos laidoje su aštriu pavadinimu: ar Lietuva gali likti be lietuvių? Gali. Lietuva šiuo metu yra tirpstantis pasaulyje etnosas. Demografinės prognozės tai tik patvirtina. 

Ir tai ne ES, dėl kurios R.Ozolas buvo skeptiškas, problema."