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2024 m. vasario 19 d., pirmadienis

It’s Not Just Wages. Retailers Are Mistreating Workers in a More Insidious Way


"Back in 2018, with an eye to writing a novel about low-wage work in America, I got a job at a big-box store near the Catskills in New York, where I live. I was on the team that unloaded the truck of new merchandise each morning at 4 a.m.

We were supposed to empty the truck in under an hour. Given how little we made — I was paid $12.25 an hour, which I was told was the standard starting pay — I was surprised how much my co-workers cared about making the unload time. They took a kind of bitter pride in their efficiency, and it rubbed off on me. I dreaded making a mistake that would slow us down as we worked in tandem to get between 1,500 and 2,500 boxes off the truck and sorted onto pallets each morning. When the last box rolled out of the truck, we would spread out in groups of two or three for the rest of our four-hour shift and shelve the items from the boxes we’d just unloaded.

Most of my co-workers had been at the store for years, but almost all of them were, like me, part time. This meant that the store had no obligation to give us a stable number of hours or to adhere to a weekly minimum. Some weeks we’d be scheduled for as little as a single four-hour shift; other weeks we’d be asked to do overnights and work as many as 39 hours (never 40, presumably because the company didn’t want to come anywhere close to having to pay overtime).

The unpredictability of the hours made life difficult for my co-workers — as much as, if not more than, the low pay did. On receiving a paycheck for a good week’s work, when they’d worked 39 hours, should they use the money to pay down debt? Or should they hold on to it in case the following week they were scheduled for only four hours and didn’t have enough for food?

Many of my co-workers didn’t have cars; with such unstable pay, they couldn’t secure auto loans. Nor could they count on holding on to the health insurance that part-time workers could receive if they met a minimum threshold of hours per week. While I was at the store, one co-worker lost his health insurance because he didn’t meet the threshold — but not because the store didn’t have the work. Even as his requests for more hours were denied, the store continued to hire additional part-time and seasonal workers.

Most frustrating of all, my co-workers struggled to supplement their income elsewhere, because the unstable hours made it hard to work a second job. If we wanted more hours, we were advised to increase our availability. Problem is, it’s difficult to work a second job when you’re trying to keep yourself as free as possible for your first job.

No wonder my co-workers cared so much about the unload time: For those 60 minutes, they could set aside such worries and focus on a single goal, one that may have been arbitrary but was largely within our shared control and made life feel, briefly, like a game that was winnable.

Many people choose to work part time for better work-life balance or to attend school or to care for children or other family members. But many don’t. In recent years, part-time work has become the default at many large chain employers, an involuntary status imposed on large numbers of their lowest-level employees. As of December, almost four and a half million American workers reported working part time but said they would prefer full-time jobs.

When I started working at the store, I assumed that the reason part-time work was less desirable than full-time work was that by definition, it meant less money — and fewer or no benefits. What I didn’t understand was that part-time work today also has a particular predatory logic, shifting economic risk from employers to employees. And because part-time work has become so ubiquitous in certain predominantly low-wage sectors of the economy, many workers are unable to find full-time alternatives. They end up trapped in jobs that don’t pay enough to live on and aren’t predictable enough to plan a life around.

There are several reasons employers have come to prefer part-time workers. For one thing, they’re cheaper: By employing two or more employees to work shorter hours, an employer can avoid paying for the benefits it would owe if it assigned all the hours to a single employee.

But another, newer advantage for employers is flexibility. Technology now enables businesses to track customer flow to the minute and schedule just enough employees to handle the anticipated workload. Because part-time workers aren’t guaranteed a minimum number of hours, employers can cut their hours if they don’t anticipate having enough business to keep them busy. If business picks up unexpectedly, employers have a large reserve of part-time workers desperate for more hours, who can be called in on short notice.

Part-time work can also be a means of control. Because employers have total discretion over hours, they can use reduced schedules to punish employees who complain or seem likely to unionize — even though workers can’t legally be fired for union-related activity — while more pliant workers are rewarded with better schedules.

In 2005, a revealing memo written by M. Susan Chambers, then Walmart’s executive vice president for benefits, who was working with the consulting firm McKinsey, was obtained by The New York Times. In it, Ms. Chambers articulated plans to hire more part-time workers as a way of cutting costs. At the time, only around 20 percent of Walmart’s employees were part time. The following year, The Times reported that Walmart executives had told Wall Street analysts that they had a specific target: to double the company’s share of part-time workers, to 40 percent. Walmart denied that it had set such a goal, but in the years since, it has exceeded that mark.

It’s not just Walmart. Target, TJX Companies, Kohl’s and Starbucks all describe their median employee, based primarily on salary and role, as a part-time worker. Many jobs that were once decent — they didn’t make workers rich, but they were adequate — have quietly morphed into something unsustainable.

One of the most surprising aspects of this movement toward part-time work is how few white-collar people — including economists and policy analysts — have seemed to notice or appreciate it. So entrenched is the assumption that full-time work is on offer for most people who want it that even some Bureau of Labor Statistics data calculate annual earnings in various sectors by taking the hourly wage reported by participating employers and multiplying it by 2,080, the number of hours you’d work if you worked 40 hours a week, 52 weeks a year. Never mind that in the real world few workers in certain sectors are given the option of working full-time.

The shift to part-time works means that focusing exclusively on hourly pay can be misleading. Walmart, for example, paid frontline hourly employees an average of $17.50 as of last month — and recently announced plans to raise that to more than $18 an hour. Given that just a few years ago, progressives were animated by the “Fight for $15,” these numbers can seem encouraging. The Bloomberg columnist Conor Sen wrote on social media last year that “Walmart’s probably a better employer at this point than most child care providers and a lot of the jobs in higher ed.”

The problem is that most Walmart employees don’t make $36,400, the annualized equivalent of $17.50 an hour at 40 hours a week. Last year, the median Walmart worker made 25 percent less than that, $27,326 — equivalent to an average of 30 hours a week. And that’s the median; many Walmart workers worked less than that.

Likewise, at Target, where pay starts at $15 an hour, the median employee doesn’t make $31,200, the annualized full-time equivalent, but $25,993. The median employee of TJX (owner of such stores as TJ Maxx, Marshalls and HomeGoods) makes $13,884. The median Kohl’s employee makes $12,819.

Those numbers, though low, are nevertheless higher than median pay at Starbucks, a company known for its generous benefits. To be eligible for those benefits, however, an employee must work at least 20 hours a week. At $15 an hour — the rate Starbucks said it was raising barista pay to in 2022 — 20 hours a week would amount to $15,600 a year. But in 2022 the median Starbucks worker made $12,254 a year, which is lower than the federal poverty level for a single person.

And this is after the post-Covid labor shortage, when pay for low-wage workers rose faster than it did for people in higher-income brackets.

Since my stint at the big-box store, where I ended up working for six months, I’ve come to think that every time we talk about hourly wages without talking about hours, we’re giving employers a pass for the subtler and more insidious way they’re mistreating their employees.

From the perspective of employers, “flexible” scheduling remains extremely efficient. But that efficiency means reneging on the bargain on which modern capitalism long rested. Since the passage of the Fair Labor Standards Act during the New Deal era, employers have had to pay most of their workers for 40 hours of work even when business was slow. That was just the cost of doing business, a risk capitalists bore in exchange for the upside potential of profit. Now, however, employers foist that risk onto their lowest-paid workers: Part-time employees, not shareholders, have to pay the price when sale volumes fluctuate.

To the extent that the shift to part-time work has been noticed by the larger world, it has often undermined rather than increased sympathy for workers. For decades, middle- and upper-class Americans have been encouraged to believe that American workers are hopelessly unskilled or lazy. (Remember when Elon Musk praised Chinese workers and said American workers try to “avoid going to work at all”?) The rise in part-time work seems on its face to support this belief, as white-collar workers, unfamiliar with the realities of the low-wage work environment, assume that workers are part time by choice.

It’s a bit rich. Policies undertaken to increase corporate profits at the expense of workers’ well-being are then held up as evidence of the workers’ poor character. There is poor character at play here. It’s just not that of workers." [1]

1. It’s Not Just Wages. Retailers Are Mistreating Workers in a More Insidious Way.: Guest Essay. Waldman, Adelle.  New York Times (Online)New York Times Company. Feb 19, 2024.

Izraelio palestiniečių teritorijų okupacija atkreipia JT teismo dėmesį

   „Tikimasi, kad dešimtys šalių ginčysis Tarptautiniame Teisingumo Teisme dėl Izraelio veiksmų Vakarų Krante ir Rytų Jeruzalėje teisėtumo.

 

     Tarptautinis teisingumo teismas šią savaitę išklausys daugiau, nei 50, šalių argumentus dėl Izraelio palestiniečių teritorijų okupacijos teisėtumo. Tai pirmas kartas, kai aukščiausiojo pasaulio teismo buvo paprašyta pateikti patariamąją nuomonę šiuo klausimu, dėl kurio daug metų diskutuojama ir priimtos rezoliucijos Jungtinėse Tautose.

 

     Tikimasi, kad klausymuose pagrindinis dėmesys bus skiriamas dešimtmečius Izraelio veiksmams palestiniečių teritorijose, įskaitant Vakarų Krantą ir Rytų Jeruzalę. Tačiau šie argumentai tapo aktualesni po, daug aukų nusinešusio, Izraelio ir Palestinos karo Gazoje ir praėjus mažiau, nei mėnesiui, po to, kai teismas įpareigojo Izraelį sulaikyti atakas Gazoje atskiroje byloje.

 

     Seansai prasidėjo pirmadienį Taikos rūmuose Hagoje. Izraelis neatvyko, tačiau pateikė rašytinį pareiškimą, kuriuo atmetė proceso pagrįstumą.

 

     Štai ką reikia žinoti.

 

     Kas yra Tarptautinis Teisingumo Teismas?

 

     I.C.J., įsikūrusi Hagoje, buvo įsteigta pagal JT Chartiją 1945 m., siekiant spręsti tarptautinės teisės klausimus ir spręsti ginčus tarp tautų. Tik valstybės gali pateikti bylas teismui. Visos Jungtinėms Tautoms priklausančios šalys automatiškai yra teismo narės ir tikimasi, kad priims jo jurisdikciją.

 

     Teismas jau seniai buvo menkas, dažnai nagrinėdamas niūrias problemas, pavyzdžiui, ginčus dėl sienų. Tačiau pastaruoju metu jis buvo įtrauktas į neatidėliotinus konfliktus, ypač tarp Ukrainos ir Rusijos bei Izraelio ir palestiniečių Gazoje.

 

     Teismo sprendimai yra privalomi, tačiau jis neturi teisės jų vykdyti; ji tikisi, kad valstybės juos įdiegs. Vyriausybės kartais ignoruoja juos, kai mano, kad jų interesams kyla grėsmė.

 

     Teisėjų taip pat gali būti paprašyta pateikti patariamąją nuomonę, kaip šiuo atveju. Patariamosios nuomonės turi autoritetą ir teisinį svorį, tačiau jos nėra privalomos.

 

     Kas vyks posėdžiuose?

 

     Šešias dienas truksiančius klausymus daugiausia dėmesio skiriama Izraelio vykdomos „užsitęsusios Palestinos teritorijų okupacijos, įsikūrimo ir aneksijos“ teisėtumui. Palestinos valdžios užsienio reikalų ministras Riyad al-Maliki pradėjo posėdžius, o palestiniečių atstovai, įskaitant žinomų tarptautinių teisininkų komandą, turėtų ginčytis, kad Izraelis jau seniai nebaudžiamas piktnaudžiavo palestiniečių teisėmis.

 

     Nuo antradienio kitiems pranešėjams bus skirta po 30 minučių, o dalyvaus 52 šalių atstovai – daug daugiau nei įprastai teismo posėdžiuose. Tarp jų yra įtakingi Izraelio rėmėjai, įskaitant JAV ir Britaniją, taip pat kritikai, įskaitant Kiniją ir Rusiją.

 

     Nors šios sesijos buvo suplanuotos metus laiko, jos sulaukė dėmesio dėl kraujo praliejimo Gazoje ir prieš Izraelį teisme iškeltos genocido bylos.

 

     Ar tai susiję su kaltinimais genocidu?

 

     Teisiniu požiūriu šie du dalykai nėra susiję. Praėjusį mėnesį tame pačiame teisme posėdžius inicijavo Pietų Afrika, kuri tikėjosi, kad Izraelis sumažintų savo karinę kampaniją, skirtą sutriuškinti „Hamas“ po spalį įvykusių mirtinų išpuolių. Izraelio invazija į Gazą iš esmės sugriovė teritoriją ir atnešė didelių civilių aukų.

 

     Teisėjai nenusprendė, ar Izraelis vykdo genocidą prieš palestiniečius Gazoje, bet nusprendė, kad Izraelis turi imtis veiksmų, kad tam užkirstų kelią.

 

     Kas prašė šių posėdžių?

 

     Šią savaitę posėdžių buvo paprašyta 2022 m. gruodžio mėn. Jungtinių Tautų Generalinės Asamblėjos rezoliucija. Iš esmės teisėjų prašoma peržiūrėti ilgalaikę Izraelio politiką ir tebesitęsiančios Izraelio okupacijos teisėtumą.

 

     Kas juos varo?

 

     Vienas iš svarbiausių punktų bus Izraelio gyvenviečių politika Vakarų Krante ir Rytų Jeruzalėje – tiek oficialiai skatinama Izraelio piliečių gyvenviečių plėtra Palestinos teritorijoje, tiek vyriausybės tolerancija smurtiniam naujakurių užgrobimui žemėje.

 

     Kiekviena Izraelio vyriausybė leido kai kurias Izraelio statybas, tačiau Netanyahu vyriausybė išplėtė programą ir paskelbė apie tūkstančius naujų būstų. Nuo 1967 m. Vakarų Krante apsigyveno daugiau nei 400 000 izraeliečių.

 

     Navanetemas Pillay, vadovavęs JT tyrimo komisijai, kuri ragino Generalinę Asamblėją prašyti teismo nuomonės dėl okupacijos teisėtumo, sakė: „Izraelis nepaisė daugybės JT rezoliucijų, įskaitant dėl neteisėto atsiskaitymo“. Tačiau teismas niekada nenagrinėjo užsitęsusios okupacijos teisėtumo.

 

     Kaip sekasi I.C.J. ir I.C.C. kitoks?

 

     Tarptautinis baudžiamasis teismas ir Tarptautinis teisingumo teismas dažnai painiojami. I.C.C., įkurtas 2002 m., yra nepriklausomas baudžiamasis teismas Jungtinių Tautų ir traukia baudžiamojon atsakomybėn asmenų, o ne nacionalinių vyriausybių bylas. Ji nagrinėja bylas, susijusias su sunkiausiais tarptautiniais nusikaltimais, įskaitant genocidą, nusikaltimus žmoniškumui ir karo nusikaltimus.

 

     Palestiniečiai iškėlė bylą Izraelio lyderiams I.C.C. 2015 m., tačiau pažanga buvo nedidelė.

 

     Kada bus paskelbta patariamoji nuomonė?

 

     Joan E. Donoghue, amerikiečių teisėja, baigusi savo kadenciją I.C.J. Prezidentas šį mėnesį neseniai pareiškė, kad nuomonėje reikės atsakyti „į sudėtingus ir gana išsamius klausimus“. Ji sakė, kad norint gauti šiuos atsakymus prireiks mažiausiai kelių mėnesių." [1]

 

Kodėl šiandien šis klausimas tampa toks aštrus? Nes šiomis dienomis bet koks kitos kultūros naikinimas tolygus žmonijos kultūrinės įvairovės ir žmonijos sugebėjimo atsispirti iššūkiams mažinimui. Kiekvienas, kas sugeba galvoti, jaučia šį pavojų. Todėl ši Izraelio okupacija nueina Pietų Afrikos aparteido ir paukščio dodo keliu. Vien tik baidyti žmones bombardavimu jau nebeužtenka, kad pasiekti ekonominius tikslus. 

 

1. Israel’s Occupation of Palestinian Territories Draws Focus of U.N. Court. Simons, Marlise.  New York Times (Online)New York Times Company. Feb 19, 2024.

Israel’s Occupation of Palestinian Territories Draws Focus of U.N. Court


"Dozens of countries are expected to argue before the International Court of Justice about the legality of Israeli actions in the West Bank and East Jerusalem.

The International Court of Justice will hear arguments from more than 50 countries this week on the legality of Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories. It is the first time the world’s highest court has been asked to give an advisory opinion on the issue, which has been the subject of years of debates and resolutions at the United Nations.

The hearings are expected to focus on decades of Israeli actions in the Palestinian territories, including the West Bank and East Jerusalem. But the arguments have gained urgency amid the deadliest ever Israeli-Palestinian war, in Gaza, and less than a month after the court ordered Israel to restrain its attacks in Gaza in a separate case.

The sessions began on Monday at the Peace Palace in The Hague. Israel has not appeared, but it has filed a written submission rejecting the validity of the proceedings.

Here is what to know.

What is the International Court of Justice?

The I.C.J., based in The Hague, was established by the U.N. Charter in 1945 to rule on issues of international law and settle disputes among nations. Only states can bring cases before the court. All countries belonging to the United Nations are automatically members of the court and are expected to accept its jurisdiction.

The court has long had a low profile, often dealing with staid issues such as border disputes. But more recently it has been drawn into pressing conflicts, notably between Ukraine and Russia and Israel and the Palestinians in Gaza.

The court’s rulings are binding, but it has no power to enforce them; it expects states to put them into place. Governments at times ignore them when they believe their interests are threatened.

The judges can also be asked to give advisory opinions, as in this instance. Advisory opinions carry authority and legal weight, but they are not binding.

What will happen at the hearings?

The six days of hearings focus on the legality of Israel’s “prolonged occupation, settlement and annexation” of Palestinian territories. The Palestinian Authority’s foreign minister, Riyad al-Maliki, opened the sessions, and representatives for the Palestinians — including a team of prominent international lawyers — are expected to argue that Israel has long abused Palestinian rights with impunity.

Starting Tuesday, other speakers will be allotted 30 minutes each, with representatives of 52 countries — far more than usual for hearings at the court — scheduled to participate. Among them are influential supporters of Israel, including the United States and Britain, as well as critics, including China and Russia.

While these sessions have been planned for a year, they have stirred attention in light of the bloodshed in Gaza and on the heels of a genocide case brought against Israel at the court.

Is this tied to the genocide accusations?

Legally speaking, the two matters are unrelated. Hearings last month before the same court were initiated by South Africa, which hoped to get Israel to reduce the intensity of its military campaign to crush Hamas after the group’s deadly attacks in October. Israel’s invasion of Gaza has largely razed the territory and produced large-scale civilian casualties.

The judges did not rule on whether Israel was committing genocide against Palestinians in Gaza but decreed that Israel must take action to prevent it.

Who requested these hearings?

Sessions this week were requested by a resolution of the United Nations General Assembly in December 2022. Essentially the judges are being asked to review a panoply of Israel’s longtime policies and the legality of Israel’s continuing occupation.

What’s driving them?

One focal point will be Israel’s settlement policy in the West Bank and East Jerusalem — both officially promoted expansion of settlements for Israeli citizens on Palestinian territory as well as the government’s tolerance of violent land grabs by settlers.

Every Israeli government has allowed some Israeli construction, but the Netanyahu government has expanded the program and announced plans for thousands of new housing units. More than 400,000 Israelis have settled in the West Bank since 1967.

Navanethem Pillay, who led a U.N. commission of inquiry that urged the General Assembly to seek the court opinion on the legality of the occupation, said, “Israel has ignored numerous U.N. resolutions, including on illegal settlement.” But the court had never looked into the lawfulness of prolonged occupation.

How are the I.C.J. and I.C.C. different?

The International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice are often confused. The I.C.C., started in 2002, is a criminal court independent of the United Nations and prosecutes cases against individuals rather than national governments. It hears cases involving the most serious international crimes, including genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.

A case was brought by the Palestinians against Israeli leaders at the I.C.C. in 2015, but there has been little progress.

When will an advisory opinion be issued?

Joan E. Donoghue, an American judge who ended her term as I.C.J. president this month, recently said the opinion would need to answer “a complicated and quite detailed set of questions.” Arriving at those answers, she said, would take at least several months." [1]

Why is this question becoming so acute today? Because these days, any destruction of another culture is tantamount to reducing the cultural diversity of humanity and the ability of humanity to resist challenges. Anyone who can think feels this danger. This Israeli occupation therefore follows the path of apartheid South Africa and the dodo bird. Just scaring people with bombing is no longer enough in order to reach economical goals.

1. Israel’s Occupation of Palestinian Territories Draws Focus of U.N. Court. Simons, Marlise.  New York Times (Online)New York Times Company. Feb 19, 2024.

There is no more humanity in Lithuania. Only cynics, who manage to steal 40 million euros, prosper

 

"75-year-old Valentina Vatutina, who has lived in Panevėžys all her life, but has not renounced her Russian citizenship, answered at the Migration Department that she did not know who owns Crimea, and when asked what she thought about the conflict in Ukraine, she assured that she was not interested in politics.

 

The Departments of Migration and State Security stated that this elderly woman poses a threat to national security and can no longer live in Lithuania.

 

V. Vatutina, who appealed this decision to the court, recently received another unpleasant news. According to officials, V. Vatutina may be used as a potential recruitment target by Russian power structures. With the help of this Panevėžys, it is possible to collect information necessary to carry out operations of structures of a hostile state power.

 

While crying, V. Vatutina asserts that she loves her native Lithuania.

 

Felt watched

 

V. Vatutina is known by many residents of Panevėžys as the former head of the Russian cultural center that operated in the capital of Aukštaitija. Its now former chairperson says that she does not remember when exactly it was founded, but she knows well that the center began its activities in the Soviet era, at the then 3rd secondary school, which has now become the "Vilties" pro-gymnasium. At that time it was a Russian-speaking school.

 

"When the 3rd secondary school, which I myself graduated from, became a Lithuanian school with Russian classes, and my troubles began," consoles V. Vatutina.

 

The senior woman says that after the change in the status of the school, she began to question why the educational institution deleted all the notes in Russian. According to V. Vatutina, the Russian-speaking first-graders who came to school could not understand the Lithuanian notes. She raised the issue of the deleted Russian notes not only to the school community, but also at a conference for representatives of national minorities.

 

"It ended with the fact that the Russian cultural center, which I lead, was ordered to move out of the 3rd secondary school, and I was summoned by the officers of the Lithuanian KGB (State Security Department - official post). They started asking about my views", says V. Vatutina.

 

Having lost its premises in the school, the Russian Cultural Center was allowed to settle in other premises belonging to the City Municipality on Topolių aleja, where the Education Department was operating at that time.

 

V. Vatutina admits: State Security Department officials periodically visited her in that center. The elderly woman thinks that they used to talk about Lithuania, Russia, and the relations between these countries.

 

The Russian Cultural Center officially ceased to exist five years ago, but it still occupied the premises. The former head of this center, V. Vatutina, recalled an unfortunate event when, a Ukrainian conflict refugee invited to the center saw a portrait of V. Putin in the premises.

 

When the scandal arose, V. Vatutina made an excuse that she simply did not have time to throw it away.

 

The Panevėžy resident claims to have been visited again by officials of the Department of State Security.

 

"There was also such a case when I received a greeting from a former student on the Internet on the occasion of May 9 - Victory Day over Nazi Germany. She created the greeting using my photo, and the red flag of Soviet Russia was flying behind it, and the symbols - hammer and sickle - were visible. That flag was installed by the pupil, I really did not take a picture next to it", assures V. Vatutina.

 

The woman says that even after this greeting she had to explain herself to state officials.

 

"I've gotten used to those surveys, I've come to terms with the fact that it's necessary," says the woman.

 

However, her interviews came to an end last summer, when V. Vatutina had to process documents for the extension of her residence permit in Lithuania.

 

She answered in Russian

 

Although V. Vatutina was born in Panevėžys, grew up and worked here, and had a son with a Lithuanian husband in this city, she is not a citizen of Lithuania, but of Russia.

 

The woman explains that after Lithuania separated from Russia, she could choose one of these two citizenships. She chose Russia because her only son was studying in Russia at that time. V. Vatutina decided that after choosing Russian citizenship, it will be easier to visit him.

 

As a Russian citizen, V. Vatutina was granted a permanent residence permit in Lithuania with the obligation to extend this permit.

 

The deadline for such an extension expired last summer, so V. Vatutina applied to the Migration Department.

 

"There they handed me a questionnaire with a lot of questions. I asked how to answer them - in Lithuanian or Russian, I explained that I write Russian perfectly, Lithuanian - with mistakes. I was allowed to choose, so I answered in Russian. I think that's also why I drew suspicions", says V. Vatutina.

 

Among many questions, she had to answer who owns Crimea, what she thinks about the conflict in Ukraine.

 

To the question about Crimea, the elderly woman says she answered "I don't know". And she claims that at that time she really did not know how the Crimean peninsula was divided during the conflict.

 

In place, where she was asked about the conflict in Ukraine, she says she recorded that she is not interested in politics.

 

"After some time, I received a response from the Migration Department that my residence permit in Lithuania is not being extended because I pose a threat to the national security”, cries V. Vatutina.

 

Homeless in old age

 

After seeking a lawyer, V. Vatutina appealed the decision not to extend her residence permit in Lithuania to the Vilnius Chamber of the Regional Administrative Court.

 

And the day before yesterday, the elderly woman received a decision - her complaint was rejected.

 

"And what bad did I do to Lithuania? Is it the fact that I studied pedagogical sciences in Russia, or that I worked there for a year after graduating? After returning to Panevėžys, I worked in a nursery-kindergarten, raised children, after that I had to work as a seamstress. I managed the Russian cultural center, collected local history material, searched the Orthodox cemeteries for the graves of the parents of Lithuanian director Boris Dauguvietis, Lithuanian language teacher Zacharijaus Liackis, and hospital nurse Zinaida Kanevičienė, a victim of Stalinism. In Anykščiai district, Surdegiai, in a building that otherwise belonged to Orthodox monks, I held exhibitions of my own works," V. Vatutina says.

 

The elderly woman says that she grew up in a single-parent family, so she only has her mother's grave in Lithuania, and she intended to lay her down next to her. She lives in Kosmonautų Street in the apartment left by her mother.

 

" I, a heart patient who survived a heart attack, will to have to leave not only my mother's grave, but also my apartment?" What is waiting for me, old woman?" - cries the woman.

 

Can be used by hostile forces

 

The three-judge panel of the Regional Administrative Court, having examined the case based on V. Vatutina's complaint, made a decision on February 8 to reject it on behalf of the Republic of Lithuania. This means that V. Vatutina is no longer granted the right to live in Lithuania as a threat to national security.

 

The court assessed the answers of the Panevežys resident to the Migration Department's questionnaire, when she did not directly answer who owns Crimea and how she assesses the conflict started by Russia in Ukraine. This position of hers was described as evasion.

 

The photo on her personal account with the USSR flag in the background was also evaluated, as well as her expressed dissatisfaction with the monuments removed from the cemetery of the victims of the Second World War in Panevėžys.

 

According to the court, the material collected by the Department of State Security indicates that the applicant supports the aggressive foreign policy of the Russian Federation, which poses a threat to the national security of Lithuania.

 

It is also recognized that V. Vatutina is loyal to the regime of the Russian Federation. It was decided that this woman could be used by the Russian state institutions or intelligence services, carrying out activities directed against Lithuania.

 

This court decision is not yet final. It can be appealed to a higher instance - the Supreme Administrative Court of Lithuania."

 

  Run while you can. If you get sick or old, these beasts will destroy you. If they will not find other means, they will at least force you to starve to death.

 


Žmoniškumo Lietuvoje jau nėra. Klesti tik cinikai, sugebantys pavogti 40 mln. eurų


"Visą gyvenimą Panevėžyje nugyvenusi, tačiau Rusijos pilietybės neatsisakiusi, 75-erių metų Valentina Vatutina Migracijos departamente į klausimą, kam priklauso Krymas, atsakė nežinanti, o paklausta, ką mananti apie konfliktą Ukrainoje, patikino nesidominti politika.

Migracijos bei Valstybės saugumo departamentai konstatavo, kad ši senjorė kelia grėsmę nacionaliniam saugumui ir nebegali toliau gyventi Lietuvoje.

Tokį sprendimą teismui apskundusi V. Vatutina šiomis dienomis sulaukė dar vienos nemalonios žinios. Pareigūnų teigimu, V. Vatutina Rusijos jėgos struktūrų gali būti panaudota kaip potencialus verbavimo taikinys. Pasitelkus šią panevėžietę, gali būti renkama informacija, reikalinga priešiškos valstybės jėgos struktūrų operacijoms vykdyti.

Raudodama V. Vatutina tvirtina mylinti gimtąją Lietuvą.

Jautėsi stebima

V. Vatutiną daugelis panevėžiečių pažįsta kaip buvusią Aukštaitijos sostinėje veikusio Rusų kultūros centro vadovę. Dabar jau buvusi jo pirmininkė sako neprisimenanti, kada tiksliai jis įkurtas, tačiau gerai žino, kad centras veiklą pradėjo sovietmečiu, tuometėje 3-iojoje vidurinėje mokykloje, dabar tapusioje „Vilties“ progimnazija. Tuo metu tai buvo rusakalbė mokykla.

„Kai 3-ioji vidurinė, kurią pati esu baigusi, tapo lietuviška mokykla su rusiškomis klasėmis, ir prasidėjo mano bėdos“, – guodžiasi V. Vatutina.

Senjorė pasakoja, kad pasikeitus mokyklos statusui, pradėjusi kelti klausimą, kodėl švietimo įstaiga panaikino visus užrašus rusų kalba. Pasak V. Vatutinos, į mokyklą atėję rusakalbiai pirmokėliai nesuprasdavo lietuviškų užrašų. Dėl panaikintų rusiškų užrašų klausimą ji kėlė ne tik mokyklos bendruomenei, bet ir konferencijoje, skirtoje tautinių mažumų atstovams.

„Baigėsi tuo, kad mano vadovaujamam Rusų kultūros centrui liepta išsikraustyti iš 3-iosios vidurinės, o mane išsikvietė lietuviško KGB (Valstybės saugumo departamento – aut. past.) pareigūnai. Ėmė klausinėti apie mano pažiūras“, – pasakoja V. Vatutina.

Netekusiam patalpų mokykloje Rusų kultūros centrui buvo leista įsikurti kitose miesto Savivaldybei priklausančiose patalpose Topolių alėjoje, kur tuomet veikė Švietimo skyrius.

V. Vatutina pripažįsta: Valstybės saugumo departamento pareigūnai periodiškai ją aplankydavo tame centre. Senjorė mena, kad būdavo kalbama apie Lietuvą, Rusiją, šių valstybių santykius.

Rusų kultūros centro oficialiai nebeliko prieš penkerius metus, tačiau patalpas jis dar buvo užėmęs. Buvusi šio centro vadovė V. Vatutina prisiminė nelemtą įvykį, kai jos pačios į centrą pakviesta užeiti karo pabėgėlė ukrainietė patalpose išvydo V. Putino portretą.

Kilus skandalui, V. Vatutina teisinosi tiesiog nespėjusi jo išmesti.

Panevėžietė teigia vėl sulaukusi Valstybės saugumo departamento pareigūnų vizito.

„Buvo ir toks atvejis, kai iš buvusios auklėtinės internetu gavau sveikinimą gegužės 9-osios – Pergalės prieš nacistinę Vokietiją dienos – proga. Sveikinimą ji sukūrė panaudojusi mano nuotrauką, o už jos plevėsavo raudona sovietinės Rusijos vėliava, matėsi simboliai – kūjis ir pjautuvas. Tą vėliavą auklėtinė primontavo, aš tikrai prie jos nesifotografavau“, – tikina V. Vatutina.

Moteris sako ir po šio sveikinimo turėjusi pasiaiškinti valstybės pareigūnams.

„Pripratau prie tų apklausų, susitaikiau, kad taip ir reikia“, – teigia moteris.

Visgi jos apklausoms atėjo pabaiga praėjusią vasarą, kai V. Vatutinai teko tvarkyti dokumentus dėl leidimo gyventi Lietuvoje pratęsimo.

Atsakinėjo rusiškai

Nors V. Vatutina gimusi Panevėžyje, čia augusi ir dirbusi, su lietuviu vyru šiame mieste susilaukusi sūnaus, ji – ne Lietuvos, o Rusijos pilietė.

Moteris aiškina, kad Lietuvai atsiskyrus nuo Rusijos galėjusi rinktis vieną iš šių dviejų pilietybių. Pasirinko Rusijos, esą dėl to, jog tuo metu Rusijoje studijavo vienintelis jos sūnus. V. Vatutina nutarė, kad pasirinkus Rusijos pilietybę, bus lengviau jį aplankyti.

Kaip Rusijos pilietei, V. Vatutinai buvo suteiktas nuolatinis leidimas gyventi Lietuvoje su įpareigojimu šį leidimą prasitęsti.

Tokio pratęsimo terminas baigėsi praėjusių metų vasarą, todėl V. Vatutina kreipėsi į Migracijos departamentą.

„Ten man įteikė klausimyną su daugybe klausimų. Pasiteiravau, kaip į juos atsakinėti – lietuviškai ar rusiškai, paaiškinau, kad rusiškai rašau puikiai, lietuviškai – su klaidomis. Leido rinktis, tad atsakinėjau rusiškai. Manau, kad ir dėl to užsitraukiau įtarimų“, – pasakoja V. Vatutina.

Tarp daugybės klausimų jai teko atsakyti, kam priklauso Krymas, ką mano apie Ukrainos konfliktą.

Į klausimą apie Krymą senjorė sako atsakiusi „Nežinau“. Ir tvirtina tuo metu tikrai nežinojusi, kaip, vykstant konfliktui, pasidalintas Krymo pusiasalis.

Grafoje, kur buvo klausiama apie konfliktą Ukrainoje, ji sako įrašiusi, jog politika nesidomi.

„Po kiek laiko gavau Migracijos departamento atsakymą, kad leidimas gyventi Lietuvoje man nepratęsiamas, nes keliu grėsmę nacionaliniam saugumui“, – verkia V. Vatutina.

Senatvėje be namų

Susiieškojusi advokatą, V. Vatutina sprendimą nepratęsti jai leidimo gyventi Lietuvoje apskundė Regionų administracinio teismo Vilniaus rūmams.

O užvakar senjorė sulaukė sprendimo – jos skundas atmestas.

„Ir ką gi blogo aš padariau Lietuvai? Ar tai, kad pedagoginius mokslus studijavau Rusijoje, ar kad baigusi studijas metus joje dirbau? Grįžusi į Panevėžį, dirbau lopšelyje-darželyje, auklėjau vaikus, po to teko padirbėti siuvėja. Vadovavau Rusų kultūros centrui, rinkau kraštotyrinę medžiagą, stačiatikių kapinėse suieškojau Lietuvos režisieriaus Boriso Dauguviečio tėvų, lietuvių kalbos mokytojo Zacharijaus Liackio, stalinizmo aukos ligoninės seselės Zinaidos Kanevičienės kapavietes. Anykščių rajone, Surdegyje, pastate, kuris kitados priklausė stačiatikių vienuoliams, rengdavau savo pačios kūrinių parodas“, – vardija V. Vatutina.

Senjorė pasakoja augusi nepilnoje šeimoje, tad Lietuvoje turi tik mamos kapą, šalia jos ketinusi ir pati atgulti. Gyvena ji Kosmonautų gatvėje mamos paliktame bute.

„Nejau man, širdininkei, išgyvenusiai infarktą, ne tik mamos kapą, bet ir butą teks palikti? Kas manęs, senutės, laukia?“ – rauda moteris.

Gali pasinaudoti priešiškos jėgos

Regionų administracinio teismo trijų teisėjų kolegija, išnagrinėjusi bylą pagal V. Vatutinos skundą, Lietuvos Respublikos vardu vasario 8-ąją priėmė sprendimą jį atmesti. Tai reiškia, kad V. Vatutinai kaip keliančiai pavojų nacionaliniam saugumui teisė gyventi Lietuvoje nebesuteikiama.

Teismas įvertino panevėžietės atsakymus į Migracijos departamento klausimyną, kai ji tiesiai neatsakė, kam priklauso Krymas ir kaip ji vertina Rusijos Ukrainoje pradėtą konfliktą. Tokią jos poziciją apibūdino kaip išsisukinėjimą.

Įvertinta ir jos asmeninėje paskyroje atsidūrusi nuotrauka TSRS vėliavos fone, ir jos išsakytas nepasitenkinimas Antrojo pasaulinio karo aukų kapinėse Panevėžyje nukeltais paminklais.

Teismo teigimu, Valstybės saugumo departamento surinkta medžiaga byloja, kad pareiškėja remia Rusijos Federacijos vykdomą agresyvią užsienio politiką, keliančią grėsmę Lietuvos nacionaliniam saugumui.

Pripažinta ir tai, kad V. Vatutina yra lojali Rusijos Federacijos režimui. Nutarta, kad ši moteris gali būti panaudota Rusijos valstybės institucijų arba žvalgybos tarnybų, vykdančių veiklą, nukreiptą prieš Lietuvą.

Šis teismo sprendimas dar nėra galutinis. Jis gali būti skundžiamas aukštesnės instancijos – Lietuvos vyriausiajam administraciniam – teismui."

 Bėkite, kol galite. Susirgsite ar pasensite, jus šie žvėrys sunaikins. Jei kitų priemonių neras, tai bent jau badum numarins.

https://www.delfi.lt/news/daily/lithuania/po-klausimo-apie-kryma-departamentui-nebeliko-abejoniu-lietuvoje-gyvenanciai-moteriai-blogos-zinios-95859557

 

Lietuvos tuštėjimo metas

  "Sumažėjęs gimstamumas ir didelis mirštamumas įsibėgėjo gerokai: Jungtinių Tautų parengtos prognozės numato, kad 2050 metais Lietuvoje liks tik 2 mln. 200 tūkst. gyventojų, o darbingo amžiaus gyventojų sumažės net puse milijono.

Demografas sako, kad tai buvo galima nuspėti jau seniai. „Jeigu tas suminis skaičius išlieka 1,5, tai yra du tėvus pakeičia pusantro vaiko, kita karta, tai automatiškai ilgalaikėje perspektyvoje gyventojų skaičius mažėja“, – aiškino VDU demografas Daumantas Stumbrys.

Ekonomistas pripažino, kad mažėjantis gyventojų prieaugis gali keisti ir Lietuvos ekonomiką. „Daugiau žmonių – didesnė paklausa, mažiau žmonių – mažesnė paklausa. Ir negana to, ta paklausos struktūra yra kitokia. Jaunesnio amžiaus žmonėms reikalingesnės vienos prekės, su gerokai aukštesne verte, kurią jie patys gali apmokėti“, – kalbėjo ekonomistas Algirdas Bartkus.

Jau ir dabar Užimtumo tarnyba stebi, kad darbo ieško vis vyresni žmonės. „Vidutinis darbo ieškančio asmens amžius šiai dienai būtų 43 metai. Prieš dešimt metų buvo 41. Tai per dešimt metų darbo ieškantis asmuo tapo pusantrų metų vyresnis“, – užimtumo tarnybos stebėsenos ir analizės skyriaus vedėja Jurgita Zemblytė.

Ir problema, pasirodo, ne tik šalies regionuose, bet ir mietuose. Labiausiai senstančių apskričių trejetuke: Panevėžys, Alytus ir Utena. „Periferiniai regionai susiduria su dvigubu spaudimu, dvigubu gyventojų nutekėjimu. Žmonės emigruoja į užsienį ir žmonės emigruoja į miestus“, – teigė D. Stumbrys."


 


Politiškai karšta gynybos mokesčio bulvė

 "Kiek daugiau nei pusė, 54 proc., Lietuvos gyventojų naujam gynybos mokesčiui nuo 2025 metų nepritartų."