"This week the Pew Research Center
released a study looking at
the attitudes of contemporary American parents toward their own lives and those
of their kids. Among other things, the survey provides an interesting
supplement to the themes of my Sunday column on declining birthrates and
last week’s newsletter on “Fleishman Is in
Trouble” and the angst of the American upper class. You can see both issues
illuminated in the way American moms and dads experience child rearing and
imagine a future for their kids.
The question of upper-class angst
surfaces in what Pew reveals about class differences in parental experience. When
the survey asks parents to assess their degree of worry about various dangers,
from depression to bullying to substance abuse to trouble with the cops, for
every danger there is a pretty clear class division. Whether the issue is
mental health (the most common concern, notably), kidnapping, teenage pregnancy
or any other risk, lower-income parents are more worried — sometimes much more
worried — about their kids than upper-income parents.
But ask American parents whether
they find parenting “rewarding” and “enjoyable,” and suddenly the class
difference runs the other way: The same lower-income parents who are more
stressed by potential dangers are also more likely to report that they enjoy
and appreciate being mothers and fathers all the time, while upper-income
parents are more likely to qualify their appreciation. (Notably, there’s a
parallel pattern along racial lines, with African American and Hispanic parents
reporting more enjoyment than white parents, and substantially more than Asian
American parents.)
If you were inclined to flatter the
meritocracy, you might speculate that this difference reflects the greater
creative enjoyment that professional-class Americans take in their working
lives, such that the pivot to the more quotidian and repetitive work of
parenting feels a little less pleasurable than it might otherwise.
More harshly, you might speculate
that what undermines upper-class parental enjoyment is often the same force
undermining the fictional (but all too real) marriage in “Fleishman” — the
nagging voice that meritocracy installs in the back of your consciousness,
constantly asking if you’re doing well enough, working hard enough, keeping up
with the competition adequately to maintain your position and your edge.
Which in the case of parenthood boils down to either the
fear that parenting time is taking you away from professional obligations or
that you aren’t doing enough to help your kids with their professional
ascent: the anxiety that too much chilled-out playtime, too little zealous enrichment
for your blessed progeny, is going to yield the great fear of all meritocrats —
the dreaded regression to the mean.
Is this fear of
material-financial-professional disappointment mostly confined to the upper and
upper-middle classes, to the Fleishmans and their would-be competitors, or does
it haunt the rest of American society as well? Here the Pew data offers mixed
evidence. On the one hand, most American parents say it’s more important for
their kids to be honest and hardworking and helpful to others than for them to
be “ambitious,” the keystone value of the striving upper class.
On the other hand, when you ask them to give weight to
professional aspirations versus personal ones, to compare the importance of
their kids being “financially independent” or happy in their work to their
getting married and having kids, finances and jobs win out easily — by an
extraordinary margin, in fact. According to Pew, 88 percent of American parents
rate financial success and professional happiness as either “extremely” or
“very” important for their kids. Only about 20 percent give the same rating to
eventual marriage and children.
I honestly find this result a little
difficult to believe. As a normative matter, I can understand rating work and
family equally or treating financial independence as the “extremely” important precursor
to the “very” important hope of starting a family. But I don’t understand how
almost 80 percent of parents (the subset of Americans committed to family
formation!) could possibly rate family life — and with it, their own hope of
grandkids — as only “somewhat” or “not at all” important for their offspring.
These results seem so dramatically at variance with my own experience of
parental culture (across lines of class, politics and religion) that I wonder
whether some quirk of question design is influencing the numbers.
I also have a slightly skeptical
reaction to Pew’s results when they ask parents whether it matters to them that
their kids have religious and political beliefs similar to their own. Only 35
percent of respondents say that shared religious beliefs are “extremely” or
“very” important — OK, in a country with declining religiosity, maybe that
makes sense. But only 16 percent say it’s important for their kids to inherit
similar political beliefs; does that really seem plausible in a country as
afflicted by polarization as our own? A country where soaring numbers of
partisans say they’d be disappointed
at merely acquiring a daughter-in-law or son-in-law of a different political
party? Maybe most people still feel that they should say this; I’m
somewhat doubtful that they mean it.
But if you accept these results and combine them, you get an
emphasis on work and finances over family, religion and politics that seems
extremely relevant to the debate over the developed world’s declining
birthrates.
A key question in that debate is
whether the general fertility decline reflects what people actually want or
whether it’s being somehow imposed, either by economic conditions, cultural
expectations or some social or technological disruption. There’s a reasonable case, made by the demographer
Lyman Stone among others, that modern people’s desire for kids hasn’t
dropped as much as one might think, that if more parents achieved what they
consider the ideal family size, they’d usually have two or three kids and
overall births wouldn’t be dropping so dramatically. In which case we should be
worrying about the external obstacles to desired fertility, whether that means
economic forces like the expense of parenting or some cultural force — like the crisis of heterosexual
pairing-off that’s driving down rates of marriage, dating and sex.
But the Pew data suggests a way that economic and cultural
forces can unite to shape the way that people set priorities for adulthood.
It’s possible, in this reading of the evidence, to grow up with the same
theoretical aspirations for marriage and family as past generations, but also
receive a strong cultural message that everything a different society might
regard as fundamentally bigger than your job — religious faith and political
ideology as well as love, marriage, kids, grandkids — is actually secondary,
and however many children you want on paper, the essence of a valuable
adulthood rests in work and money.
One term for this worldview is “workism,” defined
by The Atlantic’s Derek Thompson in 2019 as a quasi-religious commitment to
fulfillment through intense professional commitment (and discussed at length by
Stone and the sociologist Laurie DeRose in a 2021 Institute for Family Studies paper on global
fertility).
You can interpret the workist
worldview as meritocracy gone wild, its values spreading beyond the
overeducated upper class to infuse and convert society as a whole.
Or you can interpret it through the lens of Daniel Bell’s
famous 1970s analysis of
capitalism’s “cultural contradictions” — as an example of consumer capitalism’s
logic working itself out to an ultimately self-undermining conclusion (because
without marriages and kids there won’t be enough consumers soon enough).
Either way, in the Pew data, workism
looks unmistakable and powerful — looming above religious commitment, political
allegiance and even reproductive self-interest when it comes to what American
parents want, or think they should want, for their kids."
Komentarų nėra:
Rašyti komentarą