"Many Lithuanians are convinced that they understand
and predict Russia's behavior better than Western democracies, including the
United States. What is this belief based on? Data-based conclusions,
prejudices, or the modern-day equivalent of ancient Roman prophecies from bird
flights or detailed studies of the internal organs of sacrificed animals,
especially the liver?
Did the Lithuanian specialists know that the conflict in
Ukraine will start in February 2022? If so, they are extremely perceptive.
Boris Bondarev, the responsible official of Russian foreign affairs, who
defected to the West after the start of the conflict, wrote in the influential
magazine "Foreign Affairs" that in 2022 month of January he did not
believe that there would be such a conflict.
Ukraine in 2022 was clearly more unified and pro-Western
than in 2014, the West's highly combative statements about a possible conflict
made it clear that the United States and Europe would respond strongly.
"My work in the field of weapons and exports has taught me that, except
for Belarus, no country will offer us significant support. I thought that Putin
must have known that too, despite all the gunmen who kept him from the
truth."
He was wrong, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy was
also wrong, in 2022 at the end of January, after persistently urging the West
not to panic about the Russian forces massed on his country's borders. US
warnings about an imminent conflict allegedly pose a danger to Ukraine's
economy. "There are signals even from respected heads of state, they
simply say that there will be a conflict tomorrow. This is panic - how much is
it costing our country?" According to him, the biggest threat to Ukraine
is "destabilization of the situation inside the country".
The self-love of Lithuania and other Eastern European
countries is flattered by some Western politicians, praising the correct
assessment of the threats posed by Russia. For example, German Foreign Minister
Annalena Baerbock said that Eastern European countries were right to warn
Germany about the danger posed by Moscow. Lithuanian politicians repeatedly
reminded the West that due to such an attitude, Vilnius received criticism from
the members of the European Union (EU) and the United States. Less than two
days after President Valdas Adamkaus' remarks in 2008 at the beginning of the
year that Russia might be determined to start a new Cold War, the American
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice called such talk "hyperbolized
nonsense". Prime Minister Ingrida Šimonytė has claimed that it would have
been better if Lithuania had made a mistake in assessing Moscow's threats.
Lithuania correctly predicted that Russia is
determined to act aggressively. But I return to the question on what basis
Lithuania reached its conclusion and what was the specific content of the
conclusion. The ability to understand Russia's domestic and foreign policy is
not related to acquaintances or the past, the fact that Russia is Lithuania's
neighbor, which has enslaved it for a long time, that (disproportionately) many
Lithuanians speak Russian, have Russian acquaintances, play with Russians in
the yard, watch or can watch Russian TV shows means little. Generally, in order
to determine the foreign policy guidelines of another hostile country, one
relies on intelligence information, assessments of political scientists,
military and other specialists, insights and thoughtful decisions of
journalists, students and other observers living, working or just visiting
those countries. How much energy, funds, human resources are we devoting to the
analysis of Russia?
The situation is quite sad. Lithuanian intelligence agencies
are mediocre at best, if that. They do not have access to more sensitive
information collected by the intelligence services of the United States, the
United Kingdom and other powerful countries, because of fears that Lithuanian
institutions have been infiltrated by Russian spies or that they may be
otherwise compromised. And not without reason - it shows that the potentially
leaked NATO Summit data is related to hacking into the systems of Lithuanian
authorities.
Lithuania does not have a single first-rank contemporary
Russian expert who publishes his articles in prestigious journals, we do not
have a leading research center, even the Center for Eastern European Studies
pays no less attention to other countries. Although we do not have real Russian
specialists, we are in no hurry to develop them. Three years ago, I calculated
that out of 60 doctoral dissertations on international relations defended at
Vilnius University's Institute of International Relations and Political
Sciences (VU TSPMI), only 8 were about Russia.
Usually, doctoral students
researching a country live there for a year or two, collect material,
communicate with local scientists, share insights, ask for advice. I don't know
how many Lithuanian political scientists trained in Russia in this century, but
I would guess that you can count them on your fingers.
Competent but not first-rank diplomats are appointed as
ambassadors to Russia. One gets the impression that promising young diplomats
are not sent to work in Moscow, but rather look to the West and compete for
appointment to embassies in EU capitals.
After returning to Lithuania,
diplomats who worked in Russia are usually silent as mice, unlike the former
ambassadors of the United States and the United Kingdom, who widely comment and
evaluate Russian policy, write articles and books.
Today's politicians no longer have contact with their
colleagues in Russia (more than a decade has passed since Andrius Kubilius and
Dalia Grybauskaitė's conversations with V. Putin), and the knowledge gained
thirty years ago while communicating with the politicians of the collapsing
USSR does not enable a better understanding of V. Putin and his siloviki, who
see the world differently than their predecessors.
A lack of interest in Russia, and therefore a low level of
understanding of it, is an inevitable consequence of our
"Kremliophobia", viewing Russia as a leper colony that is avoided
like the plague.
There is probably not a single Lithuanian who, like Mark
Galeotti, the author and reviewer of many books on contemporary Russia, would
often visit Russia, live there for a few months, rent an apartment in an
ordinary neighborhood of Moscow, communicate with local residents or dare to
publicly say, as he did five years ago, that Moscow is an attractive,
interesting, rather Western city. More than one chairman of the Seimas
committee would probably call such a scientist and his remarks an idiot useful
to the Kremlin, spreading Kremlin propaganda. Major Western media organizations
have excellent correspondents in Moscow, and we?
Lithuania knows Russia very little. Analyzes and assessments
are not based on facts and data, except for those that are publicly published
in the West or can be extrapolated from Russian social media, but on
preconceived notions, worn-out templates of a mafia state, an image of an
unchanging, eternally aggressive Russia. It's a pity, but it must be admitted
that xenophobia is probably the most important factor determining the attitude
of Lithuanians towards Russia.
It is puzzling that Lithuanian politicians are not
interested in getting to know our eastern neighbor better. Russia poses the greatest
danger to Lithuania, so in order to neutralize those threats as effectively as
possible, it is necessary to collect as much objective information as possible
about Russia, to determine its intentions and the possibilities of their
implementation as accurately as possible, and not just to lazily think that
Moscow is programmed to behave as we think a paradigmatic evil empire should
behave. It is necessary to train specialists in Russian studies, allocate more
scholarships to their students, and try to create conditions for them to do
internships in Russia. If possible, Lithuania should invite international
experts, and if they cannot come, send their best students to their
universities. You need to generously fund or create your own think tanks and ensure
that they focus on Russia, not Belarus. It would be important for the Western
media to have their own correspondents in Moscow as an example, although it is
not clear whether they would be accredited and would not be falsely accused of
espionage like the US journalist Evan Gershkovich. Talented diplomats should be
encouraged to work in Russia. There are many more similar tasks. If some of
them are implemented, Russia will not be a mythical evil kingdom, but an enemy
with which we will be better prepared to fight and about which we will be able
to talk intelligently."
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