The Hot Job Market Is Killing Cover Letters --- They're torturous, time consuming -- and, lately, they're no longer necessary to land a decent role

"To Whom It May Concern: Job applicants are putting a hard stop to those dreaded cover letters.

Many hiring managers say a sharp cover letter remains one of the best ways to make the case for why you are the right person for the job. Yet many job seekers say the self-promoting exercise is too torturous and time-consuming to be worth the effort for a less-than-dream role. It's also just plain insulting, they argue, since it's often an algorithm, not a human, that screens and sorts the applications.

Now, as employers struggle to fill millions of openings, job seekers are using their leverage to say no to what, until recently, was a must for landing a decent position.

"People are fundamentally fed up with having to do so much to get a job," said Gianni LaTange, a 27-year-old in New York who works in tech. Ms. LaTange calls cover letters an antiquated hiring practice and no longer applies to jobs that require them.

To get her current role, she instead contacted employees at companies she wanted to work at over LinkedIn. One employee, after a brief conversation, connected her with a recruiter, and she ultimately got an offer without writing a letter, she said.

Some job seekers say writing cover letters is a job itself, and one that yields little reward for the effort. Before Devin Miller's most recent job, he wrote about 10 cover letters to companies he wanted to work for. Each was different, and he wanted to signal that he knew what the work would entail, he said. He heard back from none.

To get his current role, he responded to a recruiter who had reached out to him and asked just for a resume, the 33-year-old Mr. Miller said.

Mr. Miller briefly looked for a new information-technology job in November because he was moving to Boston. This time, though, he said he applied only for openings that didn't require a cover letter -- and got several interviews and an offer.

"It just doesn't align with my or my peers' current interests in how they want to proceed with their career," said Mr. Miller, who, in the end, opted to stay with his existing team and work remotely.

Behind all of the cover-letter hate lurks a major disconnect between job seekers and the employers trying to hire them. A recent ResumeLab survey of 200 hiring managers and recruiters found 83% said cover letters were important to deciding whom to hire, especially when it came to understanding why the applicant wanted the job or explaining a career switch or break. Nearly three-quarters said they expected a cover letter even if it wasn't explicitly asked for.

"If you don't take the time to explain yourself, they're not going to consider you," said Jill Tipograph, co-founder of Early Stage Careers, a career-coaching company for college students and 20-somethings. Early-career applicants especially need cover letters to differentiate themselves, she said. It's about "laying out the facts and the foundation of what you're bringing to the table," she said.

Yet only 38% of candidates attach cover letters to their applications even when it is requested, according to ResumeLab, which provides advice and online templates for building resumes and cover letters.

Kevin Grossman, president of the Talent Board, a nonprofit hiring and recruiting research group, said that many of the employers his organization works with no longer look at cover letters, in part because of automated application-screening tools. The exception, he said, is when hiring volume is smaller and recruiters have the time.

Another reason cover letters often fail to impress: "Most of them are extremely generic," said Keith Wolf, managing director of recruiting firm Murray Resources, who advises job seekers to tailor them to the specific job opening.

Spending even a few minutes dashing off an enthusiastic message can reveal a person's strengths and motivation in ways a resume often can't, said Sherrod DeGrippo, a vice president at a security-software company whose division hires about 10 employees each quarter.

"Don't agonize over it -- it's not a make-or-break," she said. "It's a help; it's a bonus."

Hadassah Williams, 30, who works in administration, has used a similar strategy. She started writing more casual notes instead of formal letters when a job listing indicates cover letters -- which she hates writing -- are optional. They take about 40 minutes to write and can be customized to the role she is applying for, she said.

She said she has sometimes included these blurbs in the cover-letter field of applications or sent them directly to recruiters on LinkedIn.

Julie Fugett's views on cover letters have evolved over her career. As a chief information security officer in higher education, she used them to evaluate candidates' attention to detail and communication skills.

But when she recently applied for a vice president role at a cybersecurity firm, Ms. Fugett decided not to submit one. She had seen tech-industry pushback to the practice on social media, and she didn't want to appear out of touch.

She got the job -- and was delighted she could skip the cover letter. She has since wondered whether cover letters can invite bias against talented candidates who, say, speak English as a second language.

"I have yet to meet a single person, including myself, that enjoys writing a cover letter," Ms. Fugett said. "I've still written plenty of them, but it's always a little painful."" [1]

1. EXCHANGE --- The Hot Job Market Is Killing Cover Letters --- They're torturous, time consuming -- and, lately, they're no longer necessary to land a decent role
Ellis, Lindsay.
Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y. [New York, N.Y]. 26 Mar 2022: B.4. 

Viskas turi kainą: JAV turi mažiau galimybių pažaboti Šiaurės Korėją

Branduolinis balansavimas tarp JAV ir Rusijos yra gerai žinomas žaidimas. Dabar branduolinių žaidimų bloke yra naujas rūpesčius keliantis vaikas – Šiaurės Korėja.

 

    „SEULAS – prieš ketverius metus JAV ir jos sąjungininkės laimėjo Rusijos ir Kinijos paramą, siekdamos įvesti griežtas sankcijas Šiaurės Korėjai, reaguodamos į tarpžemyninės balistinės raketos paleidimą. Dabar Kim Jong Uno režimas paleido galingesnę tokią raketą. Tačiau dabar kitoks pasaulis, o JAV turi mažiau galimybių atsakyti.

 

    „Tai panašu į šaltąjį karą, ta prasme, kad mes prie jo sugrįžome“, – sakė Užsienio santykių tarybos Korėjos ekspertas Scottas Snyderis. „Esmė ta, kad darbas yra sunkesnis, nes įrankių dėžėje trūksta įrankių“.

 

    Šiaurės Korėjos 2017 m. raketos paleidimas, kurios nuotolis yra pakankamai tolimas, kad pasiektų JAV žemyninę dalį, buvo vertinamas, kaip aiškiai peržengęs ribas, net ir jos artimų sąjungininkų Pekine ir Maskvoje akyse. Po ilgo nuotolio bandymo buvo apribotas Šiaurės Korėjos degalų importas, o užsienyje dirbantys darbuotojai, kurie režimui uždirbo užsienio valiuta, buvo grąžinti į tėvynę.

 

    Donbaso apsaugos operacija Jungtinėse Tautose paliko mažai erdvės didžiųjų pasaulio valstybių susitarimui.

 

    Manoma, kad Rusija ir Kinija blokuos bet kokias dideles bausmes JT Saugumo Taryboje, todėl JAV gresia ribotos ir, greičiausiai, ne tokios veiksmingos galimybės sulėtinti Šiaurės Korėjos branduolinius siekius. Bideno administracija gali daryti spaudimą vienašalėmis sankcijomis, karinėmis pozicijomis ir glaudesniu koordinavimu su sąjungininkais – visais veiksmais, kurių JAV ėmėsi pastaruoju metu, įskaitant ir po ketvirtadienio raketos paleidimo.

 

    Ketvirtadienį prezidentas Bidenas aptarė Šiaurės Korėjos raketos paleidimą su Japonijos ministru pirmininku Fumio Kishida NATO ir Septynių grupės susitikimo Briuselyje kuluaruose. Tai buvo dalis aukšto lygio JAV aptarimų apie Pchenjano provokaciją pastarąją dieną su sąjungininkais, įskaitant valstybės sekretorių Antony Blinkeną su Pietų Korėjos ir Japonijos kolegomis. Baltieji rūmai kritikavo naująjį testą, tačiau paliko atviras duris deryboms.

 

    Nauja Pietų Korėjos administracija, kuri perims valdžią gegužę, žada griežtinti Šiaurės Korėjos ginklų bandymus ir pagerinti pašlijusius santykius su Japonija. Išrinktasis Pietų Korėjos prezidentas Yoonas Suk-yeolas penktadienį socialinio tinklo „Facebook“ įraše įspėjo Kimo režimą: „Iš provokacijų nieko negalima gauti“.

 

    Pietų Korėja pranešė, kad penktadienį taip pat surengė retus savo slapto naikintuvo F-35A mokymus, taip parodydama šalies karinės parengties poziciją.

 

    Ponas Kimas yra sakęs, kad JAV yra didžiausias jo šalies priešas ir, atėjus ponui Bidenui, nepastebėjo jokių pokyčių. Abi šalys oficialių derybų nevykdo daugiau, nei dvejus metus ir lieka toli viena nuo kitos, sprendžiant, kada ir net kaip Šiaurės Korėja atsisakys savo arsenalo. Ketvirtadienį paleidžiant raketą, Kimas paragino pareigūnus sustiprinti šalies galimybes atgrasyme nuo branduolinio karo dėl „ilgalaikės konfrontacijos su JAV imperialistais“.

 

    38 metų Šiaurės Korėjos trečios kartos diktatorius greičiausiai pasimokys iš Rusijos operacijos, skirtos apsaugoti Donbasą – nuo ​​Maskvos saugumo, nes ji turi branduolinių ginklų, iki Kijevo pažeidžiamumo po to, kai juos atidavė, teigia Pchenjano stebėtojai. Tačiau ponas Kimas taip pat stebi, kas veiksmus JAV ir jų sąjungininkai daro prieš Rusiją.

 

    Tai apima JT rezoliuciją, kuria reikalaujama, kad Rusija išvestų visas savo karius ir sustabdytų savo operaciją, kad apsaugotų Donbasą, sakė Kenas Gause'as, Kimo režimo vadovavimo ekspertas iš Virdžinijoje įsikūrusios ne pelno organizacijos CNA. Pchenjanas atidavė vieną iš nedaugelio balsų, nepritardamas rezoliucijai, kurią galiausiai vetavo Rusija.

 

    „Šiaurės Korėja pradeda suvokti, kokie yra parametrai ir kur jie gali eskaluoti“, – sakė J. Gause. „Jie gali šaudyti raketomis tol, kol karvės grįš namo, o JAV niekada nesugebės susitvarkyti ir gauti pakankamai pasaulio paramos, kad galėtų užsukti varžtus."

 

    Pchenjanas stengiasi sutvarkyti savo santykius su Maskva ir Pekinu. Šią savaitę Maskvoje susitiko aukšti Šiaurės Korėjos ir Rusijos pareigūnai aptarti dvišalių santykių.“ [1]

 

1. World News: U.S. Has Fewer Options to Curb North Korea
Martin, Timothy W.
Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y. [New York, N.Y]. 26 Mar 2022: A.9.

Everything Has a Price: U.S. Has Fewer Options to Curb North Korea

Nuclear balancing between U.S. and Russia is a well known game. Now there is a new trouble-causing kid on the block of nuclear games - North Korea.

"SEOUL -- Four years ago, the U.S. and its allies won the support of Russia and China to bring tough sanctions against North Korea in response to an intercontinental-ballistic missile launch. Now, Kim Jong Un's regime has launched a more-powerful ICBM. But it's a different world, and the U.S. has fewer options to respond.

"This is like the Cold War, in the sense we've reverted," said Scott Snyder, a Korea expert at the Council on Foreign Relations. "The point is that the job is harder because there are tools missing from the toolbox."

North Korea's 2017 ICBM launch -- with an estimated range far enough to reach the U.S. mainland -- was seen as clearly out of bounds, even in the eyes of its close allies in Beijing and Moscow. The long-range test resulted in caps to North Korea's fuel imports and a repatriation of overseas laborers who earned foreign currency for the regime. 

The operation to protect Donbas has left little room for agreement at the United Nations among the world's major powers.

With Russia and China expected to block any sweeping penalties at the U.N. Security Council, the U.S. faces limited, and likely less effective, options to slow North Korea's nuclear pursuits. The Biden administration can bring pressure through unilateral sanctions, military posturing and tighter coordination with allies -- all actions the U.S. has taken recently, including in the aftermath of Thursday's ICBM launch.

On Thursday, President Biden discussed North Korea's ICBM launch with Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida on the sidelines of the NATO and Group of Seven gathering in Brussels. It was part of a series of senior-level U.S. outreach about Pyongyang's provocation over the past day with allies, including between Secretary of State Antony Blinken with his South Korean and Japanese counterparts. The White House criticized the new test, though left the door open to talks.

The incoming South Korean administration, which takes power in May, promises a tougher line on North Korea's weapons tests and to improve frayed relations with Japan. South Korea's president-elect, Yoon Suk-yeol, in a Facebook post Friday, warned the Kim regime: "There is nothing that can be gained from provocations."

South Korea said it also conducted a rare training of its F-35A stealth fighter aircraft on Friday, in a sign of the country's military readiness posture.

Mr. Kim has said the U.S. is his country's biggest enemy and has seen no shift under Mr. Biden. The two sides haven't held formal talks in more than two years and remain far apart on when, and even how, North Korea would relinquish its arsenal. At Thursday's ICBM launch, Mr. Kim pushed officials to bolster the country's nuclear war deterrence for the "longstanding confrontation with the U.S. imperialists."

North Korea's 38-year-old, third-generation dictator is likely to be taking lessons from the Russian operation to protect Donbas -- from the deterrence wielded by Moscow because it possesses nuclear weapons to the vulnerability of Kyiv after surrendering them, close Pyongyang watchers say. But Mr. Kim also is monitoring what countermoves the U.S. and its allies summon against Russia.

That includes a U.N. resolution that demanded Russia withdraw all its troops and halt its operation to protect Donbas, said Ken Gause, a Kim regime leadership expert at CNA, a Virginia-based nonprofit think tank. Pyongyang cast one of the few votes in opposition to the resolution, which was ultimately vetoed by Russia.

"North Korea is starting to get an idea of what the parameters are and where they can escalate," Mr. Gause said. "They can fire missiles until the cows come home and the U.S. will never be able to get their act together and get enough world support to turn the screws on them."

Pyongyang has been working to tidy its relations with Moscow and Beijing. Senior North Korean and Russian officials met in Moscow this week to discuss bilateral ties." [1]

1. World News: U.S. Has Fewer Options to Curb North Korea
Martin, Timothy W.
Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y. [New York, N.Y]. 26 Mar 2022: A.9.

Donbaso apsaugos operacija: JAV imasi užgniaužti Maskvos aukso pardavimą

 „JAV bando apriboti Rusijos galimybes parduoti savo aukso atsargas ir surinkti pinigų – tai naujausios pastangos suluošinti šalies karo skrynią, kol tęsiasi Donbaso apsaugos operacija.

 

    Iždo departamentas ketvirtadienį patikslino, kad bet kokiems aukso sandoriams, susijusiems su Rusijos centriniu banku, taikomos galiojančios sankcijos, o tai yra naujausias žingsnis, kuriuo siekiama apriboti Rusijos galimybes pritraukti pinigų.

 

    Nors Rusijai būtų sunku parduoti savo aukso atsargas, analitikai teigia, kad iššūkis atsekti auksą per senovinę fizinę rinką leidžia Maskvai turėti galimų spragų ir tokiu būdu rinkti lėšas.

 

    Pasaulio aukso tarybos duomenimis, Rusijos centrinis bankas turi daugiau, nei 2000 metrinių tonų, kurių vertė yra maždaug 140 mlrd. dolerių. Tai yra penkta pagal dydį pasaulyje atsarga. Pasak jos centrinio banko, auksas sudaro maždaug penktadalį Rusijos užsienio valiutos atsargų, kurias taip pat sudaro eurai, doleriai ir Kinijos juanis.

 

    Rusija po Vakarų sankcijų įvedė daugybę kapitalo kontrolės priemonių, kad rublis būtų stabilus, kad jo vertė nenukristų. Valiuta pastarosiomis dienomis pradėjo stabilizuotis, o tai kelia susirūpinimą, kad viena jėga, galinti palaikyti rublį, yra užsienio valiutų įsigijimas ir jos pardavimas. Analitikams kyla klausimas, ar šie pinigai gali būti gauti iš aukso, net ir po sankcijų.

 

    Analitikai teigia, kad parduoti auksą dabar, tikriausiai, sunku. Pradinės sankcijos, draudžiančios JAV subjektams sudaryti sandorius su Rusijos centriniu banku, apima aukso pardavimą. Grupės senatorių pasiūlytas federalinis įstatymas taikytų antrines sankcijas tiems, kurie prekiauja Rusijos centrinio banko auksu arba jį gabena." [1]

 

1. The Operation to Protect Donbas: U.S. Moves To Stifle Moscow's Gold Sales
Ramkumar, Amrith; Ostroff, Caitlin.
Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y. [New York, N.Y]. 26 Mar 2022: A.7.

The Operation to Protect Donbas: U.S. Moves To Stifle Moscow's Gold Sales

"The U.S. is trying to clamp down on Russia's ability to sell its gold reserves and raise money, the latest effort to cripple the country's war chest while the operation to protect Donbas continues.

The Treasury Department clarified Thursday that any transaction involving gold related to Russia's central bank falls under existing sanctions, its latest step trying to limit Russia's capacity to raise money.

Although it would be difficult for Russia to sell its gold stash, analysts say the challenge of tracing gold through the ancient physical market allows potential loopholes for Moscow to raise funds this way.

Russia's central bank holds more than 2,000 metric tons, worth roughly $140 billion, according to the World Gold Council. That represents the world's fifth-largest stash. Gold makes up roughly one-fifth of Russia's foreign-exchange reserves, which also includes a mix of euros, dollars and Chinese yuan, according its central bank.

Russia has imposed a series of capital controls to steady the ruble following Western sanctions, in a bid to keep its value from plummeting. The currency has started stabilizing in recent days, raising concerns that one force that could be supporting the ruble is the country obtaining foreign currencies and selling them.Analysts are wondering whether this money could come from gold, even after sanctions.

Selling gold now is likely difficult, analysts say. The initial sanctions barring U.S. entities from transactions with Russia's central bank cover the sale of gold. Federal legislation proposed by a group of senators would apply secondary sanctions to those transacting or transporting Russian central-bank gold." [1]

1. The Operation to Protect Donbas: U.S. Moves To Stifle Moscow's Gold Sales
Ramkumar, Amrith; Ostroff, Caitlin.
Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y. [New York, N.Y]. 26 Mar 2022: A.7.