What to Do When All Your Employees Want to Leave

"We all got an earful about the "Great Resignation" in 2021, as Americans left their jobs in growing numbers. This past week, the Labor Department reported that the U.S. set a new quitting record in November. According to a PwC study last year, a full 65% of employees were in search of a new job. That's great for employees who may feel newly empowered to start an entrepreneurial venture or use the tight job market to negotiate a raise or promotion. But what if you're the boss?

For obvious reasons, it's problematic when your employees start leaving, or hinting or threatening that they might. Staff turnover is pricey -- it costs an estimated one-half to two times an employee's annual salary to replace her. Plus, it's disruptive to client relationships and the morale of staffers left behind.

As we head into 2022, leaders find themselves in a bind: If you bend over too far backward to keep your employees from quitting, you may risk setting untenable precedents, a la "Sure, you can work from that remote island 17 time zones away!" But if you fail to take action, you might find yourself dramatically understaffed just when you can afford it least.

Here are four questions leaders can ask themselves to create a measured response that balances the need to retain top talent with the reality that even in a tight labor market, we don't want to make concessions we'll regret later.

1. What do you want the company to look like? Two years into the pandemic, it's become increasingly clear that hybrid and remote work isn't just feasible, but is actually desirable; one study claimed that more than two-thirds of employees prefer work-from-home arrangements. The enormous disruption Covid engendered means that if ever there were a moment to reinvent what your company or your team looks like, this is it.

Maybe this is the time to shift to an all-remote workforce, as companies like Basecamp have done. Or you might consider ramping up hiring for new and different skill sets you've identified as key to your company's future direction, such as AI or data analytics. Maybe you want to focus on in-person work, but shift geographies or open new regional hubs. One company I advised years ago had constant trouble convincing potential hires to move to its small-town location -- a problem it, and other employers, can solve easily now.

It's worth identifying your 5- to 10-year vision for your company, team or business unit and work backward from there -- because the decisions you make now can hasten the arrival of that future.

2. How can you create a personalized strategy for retaining your most valuable employees? Silicon Valley has long valorized the elusive "10x coder," who is said to be 10 times better and faster than his or her average compatriots. Obviously, talent at that level is rare, but the principle holds that some employees are much more valuable than others, and should be treated that way. In an environment where so many employees are thinking of leaving, we can't -- and shouldn't -- worry about saving them all. Instead, identify the people you need and respect the most and focus on developing a personalized retention strategy for them.

Questions to ask yourself include: If I were allowed to keep only the top 10% to 20% of my employees, who would I fight to retain? Who are the employees in the most mission-critical roles that would cause serious disruptions if they left? Whose skills are best aligned for the future vision of the company? Who, regardless of title, carries disproportionate influence with their colleagues?

Those are the employees you'll want to focus on. Even if they haven't indicated a desire to leave, it's worth engaging in a proactive conversation with them to understand more about what they like best and least about their jobs, to reiterate your respect for their contributions and to showcase your desire to problem-solve with them if necessary.

For instance, if they indicate challenges around caregiving, you might strategize with them about taking short-term leave, or identifying company benefits they might be able to tap into. For the right employees, it's worth making the effort to personalize your strategy and roll up your sleeves.

3. Are their concerns valid? If everyone's thinking of leaving your company, one question that's probably worth asking is: Do they have a good reason? It's possible that your employees are dissatisfied because of general restlessness and comparing themselves with friends and relatives who have scored big raises by job-hopping. But it's also conceivable that they want to leave because, at least in some ways, they haven't been treated that well.

It's worth taking a look at employee-engagement metrics at your company or team. If hard data is difficult to come by, see what people have said in recent exit interviews, or on public sites like Glassdoor. Are your pay scale and benefits competitive with others in your industry? And are there company policies or practices that have drawn consistent criticism? This could be anything from dress codes or shift assignments to corporate political donations.

There was plenty of workforce turnover in 2021. But if your company or team had a disproportionate share, there may be a reason -- and if so, it's worth fixing right away, before you have a mass exodus now that employees have more options.

4. Should you leave, too? Every leader wants to rally the company or team under challenging circumstances. We lionize turnaround specialists like Mary Barra and Lee Iacocca, who deftly guided their companies through the shoals of disruption. But sometimes, depending on the reasons your employees are fleeing, you might actually want to do the same.

If your company has been mistreating its workers and there's no appetite for change among your board or senior leaders, leaving might be your best option. And while many companies in supposedly dying industries have been able to successfully reinvent themselves, that can't happen if there's no vision or willpower at the highest levels. So if you're dependent upon others for change that isn't coming, that might also be a sign you should leave before the ship sinks.

We've all been through a disrupted, and often-discomfiting, two years. Every leader wants to run a company or team with enthusiastic, committed employees. But the reality of today's labor market means that even at the best companies, many staffers have a wandering eye -- and at the worst, almost everyone probably does." [1]

1. EXCHANGE --- What to Do When All Your Employees Want to Leave --- Being able to head for greener pastures sounds great. But if you're the boss who's getting left behind, you might have some thinking to do.
Clark, Dorie. Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y. [New York, N.Y]. 08 Jan 2022: B.2.

 

Autoritarizmas

„Politinis teisėtumas, autoritarizmas ir klimato kaita“ – Čilės politikos mokslų instituto profesoriaus Ross Mittiga dokumentas, paskelbtas „American Political Science Review“, 2021 m. gruodžio 6 d.: 

Ar autoritarinė valdžia kada nors teisėta? Šiuolaikinėje politinės teorijos literatūroje, kurioje iš esmės konceptualizuojamas teisėtumas demokratijos ar pagrindinių teisių požiūriu, atrodo, kad ne. 

 

Tačiau aš tvirtinu, kad yra dar vienas sunkiau pastebimas teisėtumo aspektas, susijęs su vyriausybės gebėjimu užtikrinti saugą ir saugumą. 

 

Nors įprastomis sąlygomis demokratijos ir teisių išlaikymas paprastai yra suderinamas su saugumo užtikrinimu, kritinėse situacijose gali kilti ir dažnai kyla konfliktų tarp šių dviejų teisėtumo aspektų. Ryškus to pavyzdys yra COVID-19 pandemija, kurios metu griežti laisvo judėjimo ir asociacijų apribojimai tapo teisėtais valdžios būdais. Klimato kaita kelia dar didesnę grėsmę visuomenės saugumui. Vadinasi, aš teigiu, kad teisėtumas gali reikalauti panašaus autoritarinio požiūrio. Nors tai kelia nerimą, tai rodo politinę klimato veiksmų svarbą. Nes jei norime išvengti autoritarinės valdžios įteisinimo, turime veikti taip, kad nekiltų krizių, kurias galima išspręsti tik tokiomis priemonėmis“ [1].

1. Notable & Quotable: Authoritarianism
Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y. [New York, N.Y]. 08 Jan 2022: A.11.

Authoritarianism

"The abstract of "Political Legitimacy, Authoritarianism, and Climate Change," a paper by Prof. Ross Mittiga of Chile's Institute of Political Science published by the American Political Science Review, Dec. 6, 2021:

Is authoritarian power ever legitimate? The contemporary political theory literature -- which largely conceptualizes legitimacy in terms of democracy or basic rights -- would seem to suggest not.

 

I argue, however, that there exists another, overlooked aspect of legitimacy concerning a government's ability to ensure safety and security.

 

While, under normal conditions, maintaining democracy and rights is typically compatible with guaranteeing safety, in emergency situations, conflicts between these two aspects of legitimacy can and often do arise. A salient example of this is the COVID-19 pandemic, during which severe limitations on free movement and association have become legitimate techniques of government. Climate change poses an even graver threat to public safety. Consequently, I argue, legitimacy may require a similarly authoritarian approach. While unsettling, this suggests the political importance of climate action. For if we wish to avoid legitimating authoritarian power, we must act to prevent crises from arising that can only be resolved by such means." [1]

1. Notable & Quotable: Authoritarianism
Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y. [New York, N.Y]. 08 Jan 2022: A.11.

Kazachų ekonominis nepasitenkinimas verda

 „Kazachstano didžiulės naftos, anglies ir tauriųjų metalų atsargos žadėjo klestinčią tautos ateitį, žlugus Sovietų Sąjungai. Tačiau santykinė Kazachstano gerovė neapsaugojo šalies vadovybės nuo visuomenės pykčio dėl korupcijos, mažų atlyginimų ir didelio mažos oligarchų grupės turto.

 

    Tai įgalino pasipiktinimą dėl kuro kainų kilimo paversti platesniu protestu prieš autoritarinius šalies lyderius ir ekonomikos būklę.

 

    Krizė paaštrėjo penktadienį, kai Kazachstano prezidentas Kasimas Jomartas Tokajevas įsakė policijai ir armijai šaudyti į protestuotojus be įspėjimo. Susirėmimai tarp demonstrantų ir saugumo pajėgų jau nusinešė dešimtis gyvybių ir paskatino Rusiją atsiųsti desantininkus padėti J. Tokajevui.

 

    „Stebėtinas neramumų ir netvarkos mastas, kurį matėme, rodo, kad tai yra kažkas daugiau, nei vien tik nepasitenkinimas dėl didėjančių degalų kainų“, – sakė buvęs Didžiosios Britanijos ambasadorius Baltarusijoje Nigelas Gouldas-Daviesas.

 

    „Santykinai kalbant, Kazachstanas buvo pagrindinis posovietinio laikotarpio vidurio Azijoje pranašumas, o jo ekonominiai rezultatai buvo daug geresni, nei aplinkinių valstybių“, – sakė J. Gouldas-Daviesas.

 

    „Ir vis dėlto tai neapsaugojo nuo šio nepaprasto išsiveržimo“, – sakė jis. „Platesnė lyginamoji sėkmės perspektyva aiškiai neapsaugo režimo nuo nepasitenkinimo.

 

    1990 m. Kazachstanui tapus nepriklausoma valstybe, daugelis vyriausybei artimų verslininkų susikrovė didžiulius turtus privatizuodami ir turėdami gamtos išteklius. Kai kurie šalies magnatai buvo įsipainioję į tarptautinius bankininkystės skandalus, o daugelis turtingiausių dabar gyvena užsienyje, tokiose vietose, kaip Londonas.

 

    Remiantis apskaitos įmonės KPMG ataskaita, tik 162 žmonės turi 55% viso šalies turto. Šalyje, kuri yra didžiausia iš buvusių Sovietų Sąjungos valstybių Centrinėje Azijoje, „Forbes“ pasaulio milijardierių sąraše yra penki milijardieriai, kilę iš kasybos ir bankininkystės sektorių.

 

    „Ši sprendimų priėmimo sistema ir toliau atspindi santykinai nedidelės žaidėjų grupės interesus, nesvarbu, ar skaičiuojami asmenys, ar jų verslo automobiliai, ar valdos“, – rašė tyrėjai Simon Commander ir Ruta Prieskienė IZA institute.

 

    Atsižvelgiant į Kazachstano, kaip didelio prekių eksportuotojo, padėtį, neramumai sukrėtė pasaulines rinkas, investuotojams siūlant didesnes naftos ir urano kainas. Šalis gamina 40% pasaulio urano produkcijos, todėl ji yra didžiausia pasaulyje radioaktyviųjų medžiagų tiekėja JAV, Kinijos ir kitų šalių komunalinėms įmonėms.

 

    Uranas šią savaitę pabrango maždaug 8 % – daugiausiai nuo rugsėjo mėn. Prekybininkai teigė, kad nors kasybos veikla nebuvo paveikta, susirūpinimas buvo sutelktas į galimybę išgabenti uraną iš šalies.

 

    Naftos kainos taip pat kilo. Kazachstanas yra Naftą eksportuojančių šalių organizacijos narys ir, Tarptautinės energetikos agentūros duomenimis, lapkritį pagamino apie 1,7 mln. barelių naftos per dieną, t.y. šiek tiek mažiau, nei 2% to, ką pasaulis per dieną suvartojo pernai.

 

    „Chevron Corp.“, kuriai priklauso 50% bendros įmonės, valdančios Kazachstano Tengizo naftos telkinį – 37 mlrd. dolerių vertės projektą, kuris keturis kartus didesnis už Paryžių, pranešė, kad po protestų gamykloje sumažino dalį gavybos. „Exxon Mobil Corp.“ taip pat turi dalį projekto.

 

    Vietines bitkoinų kasybos įmones taip pat paveikė interneto išjungimas, dėl kurio kalnakasiai – kompiuteriai, kurie lenktyniauja atrakinti naujus bitkoinus ir patvirtinti operacijas – buvo priversti dirbti neprisijungę. Kembridžo universiteto duomenimis, 2021 m. rugpjūčio mėn. Kazachstanas buvo antra pagal dydį kriptovaliutų gavybos vieta pasaulyje, po JAV, po to, kai pernai daug kalnakasių pabėgo į šalį ieškodami netoliese esančios vietos su pigiomis energijos kainomis. Kinija griežtai riboja kalnakasius.

 

    Kazachstanas ilgą laiką buvo laikomas viena sėkmingiausių buvusių Sovietų Sąjungos šalių Centrinėje Azijoje, augančia greičiau, nei kaimynės ir pritraukiančia užsienio investicijas. Jame buvo pastatyta nauja sostinė, kurios panoramą skiria blizgantys dangoraižiai ir vakarietiško stiliaus prekybos centrai.

 

    Tačiau išteklių turtas nepasiekė didžiosios dalies gyventojų, o atsirado nedidelė magnatų grupė. Minimalus atlyginimas yra mažesnis, nei maždaug 100 dolerių per mėnesį.

 

    Korupcija yra nuolatinis pykčio šaltinis. „Transparency International“ korupcijos suvokimo indekse Kazachstanas užima 94 vietą. Vyriausybė ne kartą žadėjo kovoti su aukšto lygio korupcija ir privatizuoti valstybės turtą, tačiau pastangos nieko nedavė, teigia stebėtojai.

 

    Šios pagrindinės problemos dabar užvirė.

 

    Sausio 1 d. įsigaliojo degalų rinkos reforma. Ji nutraukė subsidijas suskystintoms naftos dujoms, kurias daugelis kazachų naudoja savo automobiliams.

 

    Naftos turtingame Mango regione kainos išaugo beveik dvigubai , kur, pasak vietos valdžios institucijų, iki 90% transporto priemonių varomos suskystintomis dujomis. Nuo tada vyriausybė pažadėjo sumažinti kainą.

 

    „Kadangi trūksta kanalų išklausyti ir spręsti visuomenės nepasitenkinimą, o didžiųjų miestų valdžios institucijos dažnai neturi ryšio su paprastų piliečių gyvenimu, SND kainų protestai išprovokavo gyventojų nusivylimo akimirką“, – sakė Zachary Witlin, vyresnysis rizikos konsultacijų analitikas. įmonė „Eurasia Group“.

 

    Dabar krizė grasina dar labiau pakenkti šalies ekonomikai ir paveikti investicinį klimatą.

 

    Pandemijos metu sugriežtinus valstybės finansus, valdžios institucijos turėjo mažai galimybių skatinti ekonomiką, o tai lėmė stagnuojančius atlyginimus ir darbo sustabdymus, šią savaitę klientams skirtame pranešime rašė rizikos konsultacijų įmonė „Teneo“. Šią savaitę nukentėjo šalies obligacijos, o vietinėms biržoms užsidarius dėl protestų, pasauliniai investuotojai pardavė kai kurių Kazachstano įmonių, kurių sąrašai yra Londone, akcijas." [1]

1. Kazakh Economic Discontent Boils Over
Kantchev, Georgi. Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y. [New York, N.Y]. 08 Jan 2022: A.1.

Kazakh Economic Discontent Boils Over

"Kazakhstan's enormous reserves of oil, coal and precious metals offered the promise of a prosperous future for the nation following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Yet Kazakhstan's relative prosperity hasn't protected the country's leadership from popular anger over corruption, low salaries and the outsize wealth of a small group of oligarchs.

That helped turn resentment over a rise in fuel prices into a broader protest against the country's authoritarian leaders and the state of the economy.

The crisis deepened Friday as Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev gave the order to police and army to shoot protesters without warning. Clashes between demonstrators and security forces have already led to dozens of deaths and prompted Russia to send paratroopers to help Mr. Tokayev.

"The surprising scale of the unrest and disorder that we've seen suggests that this is something more than just unhappiness about rising fuel prices," said Nigel Gould-Davies, a former British ambassador to Belarus.

"Relatively speaking, Kazakhstan has been a major overperformer of the post-Soviet period in Central Asia, and had a much better economic record than the states around it," Mr. Gould-Davies said.

"And yet that hasn't averted this extraordinary eruption," he said. "The wider comparative perspective of success has clearly not insulated the regime from discontent."

After Kazakhstan became an independent state in 1990, many businessmen close to the government amassed huge wealth through privatization and ownership of natural resources. Some of the country's tycoons have been embroiled in international banking scandals and many of the richest are now living abroad in places such as London.

Only 162 people account for 55% of total wealth in the country, according to a report by accounting firm KPMG. The country, the largest of the former Soviet states in Central Asia, has five billionaires in Forbes's World's Billionaires list, stemming from the mining and banking sectors.

"This system of decision-making continues to reflect the interests of a relatively small group of players, whether counted in terms of individuals or their business vehicles or holdings," researchers Simon Commander and Ruta Prieskienyte wrote in a recent paper at the IZA Institute of Labor Economics.

Given Kazakhstan's position as a big commodities exporter, the unrest has roiled global markets, with investors bidding up oil and uranium prices. The country represents 40% of the world's uranium production, making it world's largest supplier of the radioactive material to utilities in the U.S., China and elsewhere.

Uranium surged around 8% this week, the most since September. Traders said that while mining operations appeared to be unaffected, the concern was focused on the ability to transport uranium out of the country.

Oil prices rose, too. Kazakhstan is a member of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries Plus and produced about 1.7 million barrels of oil a day in November, according to the International Energy Agency, just under 2% of what the world consumed each day last year.

Chevron Corp., which owns 50% of the joint venture that runs Kazakhstan's Tengiz oil field, a $37 billion project that is four times the size of Paris, said it had cut some production after protests in the facility. Exxon Mobil Corp. also has a stake in the project.

Local bitcoin mining companies were also affected by an internet shutdown that forced miners -- computers that race to unlock new bitcoin and validate transactions -- offline. As of August 2021, Kazakhstan was the world's second-largest venue for cryptocurrency mining, behind the U.S., according to data from the University of Cambridge, after many miners fled to the country last year in search of a nearby locale with cheap energy prices following China's clampdown on miners.

Kazakhstan has long been regarded as one of the more successful former Soviet countries in Central Asia, growing faster than its neighbors and attracting foreign investment. It built a new capital, where the skyline is punctuated by gleaming skyscrapers and Western-style shopping malls.

But the resource wealth hasn't trickled down to much of the population, instead spawning a large group of tycoons. The minimum wage is less than the equivalent of some $100 a month.

Corruption is a persistent source of anger. Kazakhstan ranks 94th on Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index. The government has repeatedly promised to address high-level corruption and privatize state assets but efforts have fallen short, observers say.

These underlying issues have now boiled over.

On Jan. 1, a fuel-market reform came into effect. It ended subsidies on liquefied petroleum gas, which many Kazakhs use for their cars.

Prices nearly doubled overnight, leading to protests in the oil-rich region of Mangistau, where up to 90% of vehicles run on LPG, according to local authorities. The government has since promised to reduce the price.

"With few channels to hear and address popular discontent, and authorities in the major cities often out of touch with the lives of ordinary citizens, the LPG price protests ripped open a moment of popular frustration," said Zachary Witlin, senior analyst at risk consulting firm Eurasia Group.

The crisis now threatens to further undermine the country's economy and affect the investment climate.

Tightening state finances during the pandemic meant that authorities had little bandwidth to stimulate the economy, leading to stagnating wages and work stoppages, risk consulting firm Teneo wrote in a note to clients this week. This week, the country's sovereign bonds were hit and, with the local exchanges closed amid the protests, global investors sold stocks in some Kazakh companies listed in London." [1]

1. Kazakh Economic Discontent Boils Over
Kantchev, Georgi. Wall Street Journal, Eastern edition; New York, N.Y. [New York, N.Y]. 08 Jan 2022: A.1.

 

Krizė JAV

 „Krizė JAV yra akivaizdi. Turime didžiulį populistinį judėjimą, kuris mano, kad šalį dabar kontroliuoja JAV pakrantėse gyvenanti progresyvioji oligarchija, kuri į juos žiūri iš aukšto. Esame pakliuvę į poliarizacijos ciklus, kurie grasina paversti Ameriką į Šiaurės Airiją Bėdų Metu“.

 

The crisis in the USA

"The crisis in the USA is right in front of us. We have a massive populist movement that thinks the country is now controlled by a coastal progressive oligarchy that looks down on them. We’re caught in cycles of polarization that threaten to turn America into Northern Ireland during the Troubles."