“France's protest culture has many peculiarities.
Nevertheless, it is worthwhile for countries like Germany to take a look at the
reasons for the riots.
For Björn Höcke the matter is clear. "France is only a
few years ahead of us," wrote the far-right AfD politician on social media
these days. But even politicians who don't notoriously warn against foreign
infiltration look worriedly to the neighboring country and ask what the recent
unrest there means for the immigration country Germany. You have to "deal
intensively with the events in France," said FDP Secretary General Bijan
Djir-Sarai. "Uncontrolled immigration and enormous deficits in integration
policy are a threat to internal security." And the chairman of the police
union, Jochen Kopelke, said that "such riots are also conceivable in
certain places in Germany, because the rejection of the democracy, of the state
and of state authority".
There are already examples of the state losing control.
Here, too, the debate, as now in France, revolved around the roots of the
perpetrators. The New Year's Eve riots in Berlin, for example, when groups of
young men shot fireworks at emergency services. Or the turf wars of criminal
clans in the Ruhr area. But the capital in flames, for several days, like Paris
recently? In Germany, that's hard to imagine. Nevertheless, the question is
whether there are parallels between German and French society – and whether
Berlin can learn from Paris.
The history of immigration is different in Germany than in
France. Many people with roots in North Africa live in the former colonial
power. When it comes to the tense situation in the suburbs, this section of the
population takes center stage. While parallel cultures were discussed in
Germany, for a long time it was about guest workers from Turkey and their
descendants. In recent years, the focus has shifted to migrants from countries
like Iraq and Afghanistan. Overall, almost 30 percent of the people in Germany
have a migration background. There are no comparable statistics for France.
Estimates go there from 20 to 25 percent.
Youth unemployment of 16.9 percent
The former managing director of the Center for Conflict
Research at the Philipps University of Marburg, Johannes Maria Becker, does not
want to attribute the unrest to the issue of migration first and foremost.
"It's not primarily to do with a lack of integration or with the boat being
overcrowded, as is often claimed, but with the situation of young people,"
says the political scientist, who has lived in France for a long time.
Youth
unemployment there is 16.9 percent, and it is even higher among migrants. In
Germany, children from migrant families have significantly worse chances of
completing a higher education, but the situation on the labor market is
different: youth unemployment is 6.1 percent.
There are various reasons why the value in France is so
high. A dual training system like the one in Germany is only in its infancy.
"If young people don't do a baccalauréat, they are at high risk of unemployment,"
says Becker. "In France, people don't even know about the many supportive
opportunities that exist for young people in Germany."
Added to this is
the fact that de-industrialization is well advanced in France. The political
scientist Fabien Jobard from the Franco-German research center Center Marc
Bloch puts it this way: "If in a certain part of the population many young
people, especially the male ones, leave school without a degree, there is no
longer a factory that gives these people could give a job.”
The lack of prospects in the suburbs of the metropolis is
reinforced by the housing situation. In Germany, too, there are areas dominated
by migrants, where criminal gangs have more say than the police. But even
Duisburg-Marxloh is not the banlieue. "It's comparable in principle, but
the quantity is completely different in France, where several thousand people
live in one block of flats," says Becker. Among medical professionals and
social psychologists, there is even a word for the consequences of living
there. It sounds like an illness: sarcelitis – named after Sarcelles, one of
the oldest housing estates on the outskirts of Paris.
The police act deliberately robust
The anger that has erupted in such places over the past few
days was generally directed at symbols of the state, such as town halls and
schools. But it was triggered by a case of police violence, and it cannot be understood without the role
of the police. In contrast to the German police, who cultivate their image as
friends and helpers and for whom de-escalation is an essential strategy, the
French police are deliberately robust. This is promoted by politics, says
political scientist Jobard. When former President Nicolas Sarkozy was Interior
Minister, he once said: "The police should terrorize terrorists and scare
criminals."
Jobard, who lives in a Paris suburb himself, has been
dealing with police violence for a long time and is currently a sought-after
conversation partner. The behavior of the French police officers was
characterized by "violence and harshness", especially towards
non-French people in the suburbs, he says. A racism problem cannot be dismissed
out of hand. What this leads to can be seen in the numbers. In the current year
alone, 15 people have been killed by police gunfire while in a car, including
17-year-old Nahel, whose death sparked the riots. During the Yellow Vest
protests in 2018 and 2019, 25 people lost an eye to police rubber bullets.
Jobard says: "Some of the young people in France disconnect themselves
from society because of their experiences with the police, there is no
comparison to Germany."
Police violence is also being discussed in this country, but
on a different level. A total of ten people were killed by shots fired by
police officers last year. The photo of the recently deceased Stuttgart 21
demonstrator Dietrich Wagner, who has blood running from his eyes, burned
itself into the collective consciousness because it was so unusual.
Racism among police officers is also an issue in Germany. A
study funded by the Federal Ministry of the Interior, of which only interim
results are available so far, comes to the conclusion that at least it does not
represent a structural problem. In a study by the Federal Criminal Police
Office last year, every fourth respondent stated that the police are influenced
by prejudice and do not treat Germans and foreigners equally. Conversely, there
are also increasing reports from emergency services who complain about a lack
of respect in certain milieus.
France is worth looking at
Despite all the differences, a look at France is not
unproductive for the German debate. The fact that the unrest there can also be
explained by the situation on the job market and the housing situation is
revealing in view of the persistently high level of migration in this country
as well. Many municipalities are already barely able to accommodate the
arriving people. The challenges for the education system are enormous. "We
have to give people structures so that they aren't forced into illegality like
in France," says conflict researcher Becker. "Financing education and
training is economically cheaper than financing unemployment - not to mention
the moral aspect."
The North Rhine-Westphalian Interior Minister Herbert Reul
(CDU) recently set other priorities compared to the "Bild" newspaper.
As different as the situation in France is: it is important to “start early on
where subcultures are forming and people are disconnected”. In the case of
riots like the one recently in the Ruhr area, you have to "take immediate,
consistent action to prevent entire parts of the city from being lost at some
point". The political scientist Jobard points out: “The solution must
remain that police officers act more as social workers than as enforcers of the
law so as not to lose contact with the people – in France it is already too
late for that in many places.”
When it comes to the question of whether the pictures from
Paris can also be imagined in Berlin, something else should be taken into
account. The French are proud of the successful revolts in their history and
regularly rebel against the central state. Even when unions call for protests,
there is – to a lesser extent – violence. The current riots are probably that
too: very French.”
Komentarų nėra:
Rašyti komentarą